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THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF 
THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 


THE  EARLY  HISTORY 


OF    THE 


MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 


BY 

L.   M.   SMITH 

SOMERVILLE    COLLEGE,    OXFORD 


HUMPHREY  MILFORD 

OXFORD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

LONDON      NEW  YORK      TORONTO      MELBOURNE 

CAPE  TOWN       BOMBAY       CALCUTTA       MADRAS 

SHANGHAI      PEKING      COPENHAGEN 

I  920 


NO 


4  no 


72  «7 


PREFACE 

Although  the  importance  of  the  monks  of  Cluny  in  the 
social,  political  and  religious  life  of  the  tenth  and  eleventh 
centuries  has  been  universally  acknowledged,  there  has  been 
no  book  in  English  dealing  with  the  history  of  the  monastery 
Furthermore,  in  general  histories,  English,  French,  German 
and  Italian,  two  misconceptions  on  the  subject  of  Cluny  had 
grown  up:  (1)  that  the  Cluniacs  were  highly  ascetic  and 
uncompromising  members  of  the  Benedictine  order;  (2)  that 
the  Gregorian  tenets  originated  at  Cluny,^  and  were  pro- 
mulgated by  the  Cluniacs  who  thus  prepared  the  way  for 
Gregory  VII.  From  that  standpoint  the  present  writer 
began  her  work  on  Cluny,  but  on  going  to  the  original 
sources  could  find  no  evidence  in  support  of  either  theory — 
a  conclusion  she  put  forward  in  an  article  published  in  the 
English  Historical  Review. 

The  theory  that  Gregory  VII.  was  a  monk  at  Cluny  is  no 
longer  tenable ;  while  Martens  in  his  remarkable  book  on 
Gregory  VII.  maintains  that  the  theocratic  doctrine  originated 
with  Hildebrand  himself,  and  was  developed,  not  by  the 
monks,  but  by  a  small  group  of  ecclesiastics  within  the 
secular  Church.  The  fallacy  of  the  first  theory  was  exposed 
by  Sackur  in  his  Cliiniacenser  in  ihrer  kirchlichen  und 
allgemeingeschiichtlicheii  Wirksamkeit.  Sackur,  however,  is  in- 
terested in  tracing  the  work  of  the  monastic  groups  which 
emanated  from  or  were  influenced  by  Cluny,  rather  than  in 
the  history  of  the  monastery  itself      It  therefore  seemed  to 


vi  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

the  present  writer  that  there  was  room  for  original  work  on 
the  subject ;  for  that  work  the  storehouse  of  facts  is  the 
Recueil  des  chartes  de  Cluny  published  in  Bruel's  five  volumes, 
which,  as  far  as  she  knows,  have  not  hitherto  been  worked 
over  in  detail. 

As  grantee,  scholar  and  fellow,  she  wishes  to  acknowledge 
her  indebtedness  to  the  Carnegie  Trust  for  the  Universities 
of  Scotland,  and  to  express  her  thanks  to  Miss  Duffy  and 
the  Rev.  J.  Richards  for  having  read  the  proofs  of  this  book. 

L.  M.  S. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Original  Authorities 

Adalberonis  Carmen. 
Annales  Benedict!,  iii. 
Baluze,  ii. 
Benedict!  Chron. 
Benedicti  Regula. 

BolL  AA.SS.  April  II.,  May  II.,  Sept.  III. 
Bouquet,  ix.,  x. 

Bruel.      Recueil  des  chartes  de  Cluny,  i.-iv. 
Destr.  Farf. 
Flodoardi  chron.,  iii. 
Gall.  Christ,  ii. 
Gesta  abb.  Gemblac. 
Gesta  episc.  Tull. 
Havet.     Lettres  de  Gerbert. 
Joannis  XIX.  papae  epist. 
Labb^.     Concilia,  viii.,  ix. 
Mabillon.     Ann.,  v. 
Mabillon.     AA.SS.,  v. 
Mabillon.     Vetera  Analecta,  ii. 
Mansl     Concilia,  xix. 
Marrier.     Bibl.  Clun. 

Migne.      Pat.  Lat,  103,  132,  133,  139,  141,  142,  159. 
Miracula  sci  Mansneti. 
Miracula  sci  Benedicti, 
Miracula  sci  Gorgon iL 
Mon.  Germ.  Script.  Pertz,  vii.,  viii.,  xiii. 
Mon.  Germ.  Hist.  Sickel,  i.,  ii. 
Udalricus  Consuet.  Clun. 

Vita  anonynia  Odonis,  Bibl.  Nat.  Paris,  5566. 
Vita  Halinaixii.  B  GL  ^v 

Vita  Joh.  Gorz.  1  I  f^  7 

vii  ^    -    r- 

.Sfe5 


viii  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

Modern  Authorities 

Butler.     Benedictine  Moiiachism. 

Dresdner.      Kultur  und  Sittengeschichte  der  ital.  Geistliclikeit. 
Grutzmacher.      Die  Bedeatimg  Benedict  von  Nnrsia  und  seiner  Kegel. 
Grandidier.      Histoire  d'Alsace. 

Huberti.      Studien  zur  Rechtsgeschichte  der  Gottesfrieden. 
KlucivHOLM.      Geschichte  der  Gottesfrieden. 
Lavisse.      Histoire  de  France,  ii.  2. 
Neiies  Archiv,  vii.,  xv. 
Pignot.     Histoire  de  Cluni. 

Pfister.      Etudes  sur  le  regne  de  Robert  le  Pieux. 

Sackur.      Die  Cluniacenser  in  ihrer  kirchlichen  und  allgemeingeschlicht- 
lichen  Wirksamkeit. 


CONTENTS 

CHAP.  HAOE 

I.  Introduction — Early  AVestern  Moxasticism    .  .  1 

11.   Origins  of  Cluny — Berno,   first  Abbot  .  .  9 

TIL   Odo,  second    Abbot    of  Cluny — Early  Life — Customs 

AT  the  Monastery  of  Baume — Building  of  Cluny         1 7 

IV.   Fleury  .  .  .  .  .  .  .        39 

v..  Papal  and  Royal  Charters  granted  to  Cluny — Gifts 

TO  Cluny        .  .  .  .  .  .47 

VL  Odo's  reforming  Activity — Reform  in  Upper  Lorraine       56 

VI I.  Odu's  last  Years  and  Death — His  Writings  .        68 

VIII.  Odo's  Character  .  .  .  .  .78 

IX.  Aymardus,  third  Abbot  of  Cluny — His  Blindness  and 

Death — Gifts  to  Cluny        .  .  .  .88 

X.  Maiolus,  fourth  Abbot  of  Cluny — Early  Life — Rela- 
TroNs  with  the  Saxon  Emperors — Refusal  of  the 
Papal  Chair — Maiolus  and  Fleury — Death  .      100 

XI.   Maiolus'   reforming  Activity — Gifts  to  Cluny  .      114 

XII.   Maiolus'  Character — Miracles  .  .  .130 

XIII.  Odilo,  fii-th  Abbot  of  Cluny — Early  Likk — Relations 
with  Popes  and  Emperors — Royal  Charters  to 
Cluny  .  .  .  .143 

XIV.  Attack  on  Ci.uny  by  feudal  Lords — Strife  wuh  the 

Episcopate — Satire  of  Adalbero  of  Kheims  .      155 

ix 


X  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

(HAP.  PAGE 

XV.   Cluny  and  the  Peace  Movement — Pax  Dei  and  Treuga 

Dei — All  Soulh'  Day  .  .  .  .170 

XVI.   Increase  of  Cluniac  Influence — Cluniacs  in  Spain — 

Gifts  to  Cluny  .  .  .  .  .185 

XVII.   Odilo's  Death — Character  and  Miracles        .  .      199 

INDEX  .     .  .  .  .  .  .  .221 


CHAPTER  1 

INTRODUCTION — EARLY    WESTERN    MONASTICISM 

More  than  a  thousand  years  ago,  on  the  site  of  duke  William 
of  Aquitaine's  hunting-lodge,  the  little  monastery  of  Cluny  was 
founded,  an  event  that  seemed  of  such  small  importance  that  the 
founder  hesitated  to  turn  out  his  hunting  dogs  in  order  to  make 
room  for  the  monks.  Yet  in  less  than  two  hundred  years  the  name 
of  that  small  monastery  had  become  famous  throughout  Europe, 
and  Cluny  head  of  an  international  system  ;  where  onee  the 
monks  had  built  their  wooden  houses  '  according  to  their  skill 
and  knowledge  '  arose  a  new  and  famous  school  of  architecture  ; 
where  once  the  modest  building  had  been  retarded  through 
lack  of  funds,  rose  the  church  of  St.  Peter,  the  admiration 
and  wonder  of  the  world  ;  where  once  the  dogs  had  barked, 
echoed  the  stately  ritual  of  the  most  famous  musical  centre  of 
Europe  ;  and  on  the  site  of  the  former  hunting-lodge  rose  a 
monastery  so  extensive  in  size,  that  St.  Louis  of  France  and  his 
courtiers  could  stay  there  without  one  of  the  monks  having  to 
leave  his  cell.  Cluny,  once  a  tiny  vill,  hidden  in  the  black  valley, 
had  by  then  become  an  international  meeting-place  better  known 
than  Paris  itself. 

But  all  these  things  had  been  added  unto  her.  Cluny's 
chief  work,  a  work  which  made  her  known  as  the  spiritual  head 
of  Europe  and  her  monks  renowned  as  the  savers  of  souls,  lay 
in  the  reform  she  inaugurated,  the  spiritual  enthusiasm  she 
reawakened  in  monastic  life,  and  the  establishment  of  one 
uniform  and  universal  rule  in  the  monasteries  of  the  West. 
This  was  no  mean  achievement,  for  society  had  been  overturned 
by  the  invasions  of  the  barbarians,  and  the  monasteries,  defence- 

1  B 


2  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

less  and  rich,  had  been  one  of  the  chief  objects  of  attack.  There 
were  monasteries  to  be  rebuilt,  restored,  refounded,  and,  above 
all,  to  be  brought  under  one  rule. 

It  is  very  fitting  that  the  pied-d-terre  of  the  Cluniac  abbots 
at  Paris  should  have  been  built  next  the  ruins  of  the  thermae 
and  palace  of  the  Roman  Emperors,  for  Cluny  stood  for  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  old  Roman  tradition  in  the  regular  church,  as 
against  the  Teutonic  element.  The  Roman  monastery  had  been 
a  community  possessing  certain  rights.  The  monasteries  built 
or  organised  under  Teutonic  influence  were  rather  the  appanages 
or  possessions  of  the  founder  and  his  relatives,  the  Roman  idea 
being  too  abstract  for  the  ignorant  feudal  baron  to  grasp.  To 
the  latter  the  monastery  was  another  form  of  property  which 
might  be  inherited,  given  away,  split  up,  and  divided  according 
to  the  founder's  wish,  monasteries  being  held  by  seven  or  eight 
owners  much  in  the  same  way  as  a  fief.  It  followed  from  this 
that  the  right  of  electing  an  abbot  was  often  claimed  by  the 
founder,  and  delegated  by  him  to  his  descendants  and  relatives. 
St.  Benedict,  on  the  contrary,  had  laid  down  that  freedom  of 
election  belonged  to  the  monks.  In  consequence  of  the  feudal- 
ising tendency  the  monk  regarded  his  abbot  somewhat  in  the 
light  of  a  feudal  chief.  The  vows  he  made  on  entering  the 
monastery  he  made  in  the  presence  of  the  abbot,  on  whose  death 
he  felt  himself  free  to  leave  the  house. ^  Having  dedicated  his 
life  voluntarily,  the  monk  of  the  Teutonic  school  still  felt  that  he 
remained  an  individual,  with  a  right  to  his  individual  will  and 
judgement.  This  was  against  the  Roman  principle  strenuously 
upheld  by  the  Cluniacs,  i.e.  the  monk  once  a  monk  was  a  monk 
for  life  and  one  of  a  permanent  community.  His  will  had 
passed  into  his  abbot's  keeping. 

In  the  Teutonised  system,  no  one  rule  was  accepted  as  the 
standard  for  the  Empire.  The  founder  could  exercise  his  indi- 
vidual preference  among  the  many  rules,  i.e.  from  the  more 

^  It  was  quite   usual  for   a  monk  to   pass   from  one   house  to  another. 
St.  Benedict  put  an  end  to  this  by  introducing  the  vow  of  stabiHty. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  3 

ascetic  Eastern  to  the  more  moderate  Western.^  Nor  when  a 
rule  was  once  adopted  were  its  tenets  rigorously  adhered  to, 
again  a  consequence  of  Teutonic  individualism.  To  the  free 
Teutonic  spirit,  to  the  rough  feudal  lord,  who  at  the  end  of  a 
life  of  hard  fighting  founded  or  retired  to  a  monastery,  the 
monotony  of  regular  discipline,  however  moderate,  must  have, 
proved  very  irksome,  and  voluntarily  to  follow  that  discipline 
an  idea  almost  beyond  his  comprehension.  Hence  abuses  crept 
in,  such  as  are  mentioned  in  the  Vita  Odonis,  e.g.  change  in  the 
hour  of  matins  that  the  night's  rest  should  not  be  broken,  richer 
and  warmer  clothing,  ^  occasional  changes  from  fish  and  vege- 
tarian diet,  holiday  visits  to  friend  and  family,  no  fixed  rules 
as  regards  fasting — the  zealot  being  allowed  to  fast  more,  the 
indifferent  less.  All  these  points,  which  sometimes  seem  to  be 
given  an  exaggerated  importance  in  the  Vita,  yet  fall  into  their 
places  as  the  outward  and  visible  signs  of  that  larger  significance, 
i.e.  the  maintenance  of  the  Roman  ideals  of  discipline  and  uni- 
formity, as  against  the  Teutonic  ideal  of  individualism.  This' 
was  the  more  important  in  that  the  monasteries  were  coming 
under  the  influence,  not  of  the  finer  elements  of  the  age,  but  of 
the  reactionary  tendencies  of  the  feudal  baron. 

Before  the  Teutonic  spirit  could  attain  the  old  Roman  ideal 
a  long  training  was  required.  The  Roman  spirit  stood  for  dis- 
cipline, for  the  recognition  of  abstract  rights,  for  the  community. 
This  was  the  training  Cluny  was  to  give,  and  the  work  Cluny 
was  to  do,  i.e.  to  bring  back  to  monasticism  the  ideals  of 
discipline,  uniformity,  and  obedience,  a  work  successfully 
inaugurated  by  the  greatest  of  her  abbots.  '  After  Benedict 
and  his  disciple  Maurus  may  come  as  the  chief  restorer  of  the 
monastic  order  in  Gaul,  and  a  distinguished  reformer  of  the 

1  The  best -known  were  those  of  Antony,  Pachomius,  Basil,  Macarius, 
Aiirelian,  Cassian,  Bonatus,  Cacsarius  of  Aries,  rolunibanus,  all  of  which 
were  more  severe  than  the  Benedictine. 

-  St.  Benedict  allowed  his  monks  eight  hours'  sleep  on  end  for  the  greater 
part  of  the  year,  but  they  had  to  rise  at  2  a.m.  for  matins.  He  also  allowed 
for  the  climate  and  permitted  warmer  clothing  than  the  Egyptian  rules. 


4  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

rule,  Odo  ;  Odo,  tlie  first  father  of  the  order  of  Cluny  who  took 
up  the  task  of  renewing  the  dead  and  almost  forgotten  fervour 
of  monastic  life.'  ^ 

The  rule  which  the  Cluniacs  followed  was  the  Benedictine,^ 
and  one  result  of  their  work  was  to  establish  it  throughout  the 
West.  It  was  eminently  suited  for  their  reform,  in  that  it  was 
not  rigid  and  that  it  held  up  a  standard  of  life  attainable  by 
the  many.  Unfortunately,  little  or  nothing  is  known  of  the 
early  history  of  this  rule  which  had  not  been  able  to  compete 
with  older  and  better-known  rules,  and  before  the  seventh  century 
had  received  little  or  no  recognition  outside  Italy.^  In  the  South 
of  Europe  the  rule  of  Caesarius  of  Aries  had  been  generally 
adopted,  in  the  North  that  of  Columbanus  of  Luxeuil.  Before 
the  Benedictine  could  triumph,  it  required  influential  supporters. 
When  Gregory  the  Great  sent  Augustine  to  England,  he  entrusted 
him  with  a  letter  addressed  to  the  clergy  of  Gaul,  advocating 
the  adoption  of  the  Benedictine  rule.  Little  more  is  known 
about  the  rule  till  we  find  Charlemagne  attempting  to  revive 
it  in  pursuance  of  the  reform  begun  by  Boniface  and  Pippin. 
He  sent  to  Monte  Cassino  to  have  the  rule  copied  and  brought 
to  Aachen.  Not  that  the  monastic  movement  per  se  owed  much 
to  Charlemagne,  for  his  object  in  supporting  it  was  educative 
rather  than  religious.  He  valued  monasticism  mainly  for  the 
opportunities  it  afforded  for  study,  and  the  monasteries  as  a 
training  ground  for  scholars  whom  later  he  might  employ  at  his 
court,  and  in  carrying  on  the  administration  of  his  empire.* 

^  Marrier,  Bibl.  Clun.  p.  58,  Veniat  post  magnum  Benedictum  et  eius  dis- 
cipulum  Mauriim,  summus  ordinis  monastici  in  Galliis  reparator,  precipuus 
regulae  reformator,  Odo.  Odo,  inquam,  primus  Cluniacensis  ordinis  pater  qui 
emortuum  iam  et  pene  ihique  sepultum  monastici  propositi  fervor  em  resuscitare 
suo  conamine  aggressus  est  (Peter  the  Venerable's  address  to  the  priors  and 
subpriors  of  Cluny,  c.  1140). 

2  Sci  Benedicti  Regida,  116,  Constituenda  est  erga  nobis  dominici  schola  servitii 
In  qua  institutione  nihil  asperum,  nihil  grave  nos  conslituturos  speramus. 

^  Grutzmacher,  Die  Bedeutung  Benedict  von  Nursia  u  seiner  Kegel. 

*  Hauck,  Kirchengeschichte  Deutschlands,  ii.  p.  573.  Charlemagne  did  not 
allow  the  rule  to  be  followed  in  at  least  one  point,  viz.  free  election  of  the 
abbots  by  the  monks:  only  four  monasteries  in  Germany,  Lorsch,  Fulda, 
Hersfeld,  St.  Gumbert,  were  granted  this  privilege. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  5 

There  was  thus  a  wide  field  of  work  for  the  first  purely 
monastic  reformer  who  should  arise,  and  he  came  in  the  second 
Benedict,  Benedict  of  Aniane.  He,  however,  began  his  career 
as  an  opponent  of  the  Benedictine  rule  which  he  spurned, 
despising  it  as  fit  only  for  novices  and  weaklings. ^  '  He  himself 
afflicted  his  body  with  the  most  rigorous  fasts,  and  for  so  long 
left  it  unwashed  that  he  resembled  a  beast  rather  than  a  man.' 
To  his  first  religious  fervour  the  Eastern  rules  alone  seemed  to 
reach  a  fitting  height  of  asceticism,  and  he  despised  the  Bene- 
dictine rule  just  because  it  held  up  a  standard  of  life  possible 
to  the  many.  In  time  he  learned  to  value  it  for  this  very  reason, 
and  to  take  it  as  his  standard  of  reform. 

Benedict  had  taken  his  vows  at  St.  Sequanus',  Dijon,  where 
he  remained  for  five  years,  till  the  brothers  wished  to  make  him 
abbot.  Foreseeing  the  impossibility  of  turning  the  laxity  of 
his  fellow-monks  to  the  strict  observance  of  the  rule,  he  fled  to 
his  boyhood's  home.  There,  near  the  little  river  Aniane,  he 
built  on  his  father's  land  a  cell,  nucleus  of  the  monastery  later  to 
become  so  famous,  where,  surrounded  by  a  few  friends,  he  strove 
to  enforce  a  regime  in  which  religious  contemplation  and  hard 
work  were  the  ideals.  That  interest  in  reading  and  literary 
work  which  Charlemagne  and  Alcuin  had  fostered,  was  dis- 
couraged. Special  importance  was  laid  on  manual  labour,  the 
monks  themselves  having  to  till  any  land  they  acquired.  Extreme 
simplicity  and  even  bareness  characterised  the  architecture  of 
church  and  monastery,  the  consecrated  vessels  being  made 
of  wood,  and  beauty  avoided  as  a  sin.  The  observance  of  the 
rule  was  so  strict  that  only  the  strong  could  endure.  Never- 
theless the  numbers  grew,  and  three  times  Benedict  found  it 
necessary  to  extend  the  monastic  buildings.  The  third  time 
the  severe  simplicity  of  the  earlier  buildings  w^as  abandoned, 
and  the  monastery,  which  arose  in  pomp  and  splendour,  was 
placed  under  the  imperial  protection. 

Benedict  instituted  singers,  taught  readers,  assembled  gram- 

^  The  first  St.  Benedict  himself  called  the  rule  minima  inchoationis  regula. 


6  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

niarians  skilled  in  the  knowledge  of  the  Scriptures,  and  collected 
a  great  number  of  books.  Giving  his  heart  to  the  investigation 
of  the  Benedictine  rule,  he  went  round  the  monasteries,  ques- 
tioning the  learned  on  those  points  in  which  he  was  ignorant, 
and  studying  all  the  other  rules  he  could  find.  By  813  his  ren- 
dering of  the  rule  was  followed  in  the  most  important  of  the 
Burgundian  monasteries.  In  Aquitaine  Louis  the  Pious  placed 
the  monasteries  under  his  direction,  and  these  he  visited  and 
reformed  with  great  activity.^ 

On  Charlemagne's  death  the  reform  received  new  impetus 
from  Louis  the  Pious,  an  ardent  supporter  of  the  movement. 
His  first  care  was  to  call  Benedict  to  the  centre  of  the  empire  to 
Maurmiinster,  in  Alsace.  Later,  that  he  might  have  him  nearer 
his  own  person,  he  summoned  him  to  Aachen,  where  two  hours' 
journey  from  his  palace  the  new  and  splendid  monastery  of 
St.  Cornelius  arose.  This  was  to  be  the  model  monastery  for 
the  kingdom,  though  only  numbering  thirty  monks. 

With  the  imperial  support  Benedict's  work  prospered. 
Appointed  by  the  emperor  over  the  monasteries  of  the  kingdom,^ 
he  (as  the  Cluniacs  later)  laid  down  the  principle  that  uniformity 
of  custom  was  to  be  strictly  observed  in  the  reformed  houses,^ 
differences  which  had  hitherto  been  allowed  to  exist  being 
ruthlessly  suppressed. 

In  816  a  council  of  prelates  was  held  at  Aachen,  when  it  was 
decreed  that  all  monks  should  follow  the  Benedictine  rule.  A 
few  months  later  (817)  Louis  summoned  the  abbots  from  all 
parts  of  the  empire,  and  Benedict  sat  with  them  for  several  days, 

^  Hauck,  ibid.  Two  of  the  points  on  which  Benedict  laid  especial  stress 
were  zealously  promulgated  later  by  the  Cluniacs  :  (1)  the  monk  was  to  speak 
no  superfluous  word  ;  (2)  he  was  to  bear  himself  with  extreme  humility  before 
his  abbot ;  at  the  name  of  God  he  was  to  throw  himself  prostrate  on  the  ground, 
at  the  name  of  his  abbot  to  bow  the  knee.  Hoping  to  sever  connection  with),  y  y 
the  world,  Benedict  forbade  his  monks  the  use  of  their  mother  tongue.  J 

2  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.  103,  Vita  Benedicti  Anianensis,  cap.  50,  Prefecit  eum 
imperator  cunctis  in  regno  suo  cenobiis. 

^  Ibid.  50,  Et  una  cunctis  generaliter  posita  observatur  Regula,  cunctaque 
monasteria  ita  ad  formam  unitatis  redacta  sunt.  .  .  .  Uniformis  mensura  in 
potu,  in  cibOf  in  vigiliis,  in  modulaiionibus  cunctis  observanda  est  tradita. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  7 

'  discussing  the  first  principles  of  the  rule,  elucidating  obscure 
and  doubtful  points,  abolishing  previous  errors,  and  confirming 
useful  and  effective  customs  '.^  As  a  result  the  Aachen  capi- 
tulary was  drawn  up,  accepted  by  the  abbots,  and  ratified  by 
the  emperor.  The  capitulary,  which  may  be  called  a  modified 
version  *  of  the  Benedictine  rule,  was  to  be  the  standard  of 
monastic  life  within  the  empire.  Inspectores  were  appointed 
by  the  emperor  to  see  that  it  was  enforced.  Free  election  of 
their  abbots  was  assured  to  the  monks.  Taken  as  a  whole, 
the  characteristic  of  the  Aachen  resolution  was  the  reaction 
against  what  Charlemagne  had  made  of  monasticism,  and  a 
return  to  the  earlier  ideal,  i.e.  asceticism  before  culture.^ 

The  rule  was  not  rigid.  Benedict  continued  to  seek  out  and 
question  those  skilled  in  its  precepts,  and  in  especial  those  who 
had  been  at  Monte  Cassino.  Various  considerations  led  him 
to  admit  or  reject  certain  points,  and  where  the  rule  was  silent 
or  obscure  he  supplemented  it  fitly  and  rationally.^  He  then 
wrote  the  Codex  Regular U7n,  a  collection  of  all  the  rules  prior 
to  St.  Benedict's.  Working  over  it  he  next  wrote  the  Concordia 
Regularum,  a  commentary  on  St.  Benedict's  rule,  written  to 
show  the  contentious  '  that  the  first  Benedict  had  not  tampered 
with  the  rules  of  his  predecessors  but  had  relied  on  them  '.* 

^  Ibid.  50,  Regulam  ab  integro  discutiens  cunctis  obscura  dilucidans,  dnbia 
2mtefecit,  priscos  errores  abslulit,  utiles  consneludines  affectusque  confirmavit  .  .  . 
assentientibus  cunctis  .  .  .  capitularem  institutum. 

^  Hauck,  ii.  582  et  seq.  Each  monk  was  to  make  himself  acquainted  witli 
every  word  of  the  rule.  In  order  to  make  it  suitable  for  the  climate  of  Gaul 
and  Germany  the  monks  were  to  wear  thicker  and  warmer  clothing  and  to  have 
more  food,  which  of  course  the  first  Benedict  had  permitted.  Manual  labour, 
which  had  been  rejected  in  many  monasteries,  was  reintroduced.  There  was 
no  mention  of  theological  studies,  and  the  monks  were  forbidden  to  keep  schools 
except  for  the  oblati. 

^  Migne,  ibid.  51,  Nonnulla  praecipit  quae  aut  propter  concordiam  unitalis 
aut  certe  propter  observantiam  honestatis,  seu  propter  coyisiderationem  fragilitatis 
admittuntur.  .  .  .  Si  qua  nempe  minus  lucide  pagina  Regidae  pandit,  aut  omnino 
silet,  rationabiliter  apteque  instil u it  atque  suppleiit. 

*  Ibid.  53,  Fecit  denique  librum  ex  regulis  diversorum  patrum  collectum 
ita  ut  prior  B.  Benedicti  Regula  cunctis  esset  .  .  .  quem  ad  collectam  matutinam 
legere  iussit.  Ex  quo  rursus  ut  ostenderet  contentiosis  nulla  frivola  cassaque  a 
Benedicto  edita  fore,  sed  suam  ex  aliorum  fultam  esse  Regulam  ;   alium  collectis 


8  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

With  a^  enthusiastic  reformer  and  a  prince  ready  and 
anxious  to  support  him,  the  work  of  reform  went  on  apace. 
In  his  last  years  Benedict  was  unweariedly  active  in  visiting 
and  reforming  the  monasteries  of  the  kingdom.  On  his  death- 
bed he  could  rejoice  at  the  extent  of  the  work  accomplished. 
The  monks  of  St.  Cornelius  praised  him  as  the  man  who  had 
given  back  the  Benedictine  rule  to  Gaul.  Nevertheless  Benedict 
was  perhaps  too  narrow  in  his  outlook  to  carry  through  a 
universal  reform.  Laying  over-much  stress  on  single  points, 
he  did  not  see  deep  enough  into  essentials.^  That  he  succeeded 
as  far  as  he  did  was  largely  due  to  the  imperial  support  without 
which  the  movement  would  have  collapsed  after  his  death  (821). 
By  829  Louis  had  again  to  call  the  bishops'  attention  to  the 
reform,  and  exhort  them  to  further  it. 

His  zeal,  however,  like  that  of  the  many,  waxed  faint. 
Later  it  was  the  bishops  who  had  to  remind  him  that  the  monks 
had  been  confirmed  in  the  right  of  free  election  of  their  abbots. 
More  and  more  the  monasteries  fell  into  lay  hands,  abuses  crept 
in,  and  '  by  the  end  of  Louis'  reign  there  was  as  little  strict 
observance  of  the  rule  as  there  had  been  at  the  beginning  '.^ 
Then  in  Gaul  came  fresh  incursions  by  the  Northmen  and  Huns 
which  prevented  the  development  of  peaceful  monastic  life. 
By  the  end  of  the  ninth  century  only  in  isolated  and  rare  com- 
munities did  the  observance  of  the  Benedictine  rule  survive. 
It  was  in  one  of  these,  the  little  monastery  of  Baume,  that  the 
founder  of  Cluny's  greatness  received  his  training. 

Regnlarum,  sententiis  composuit  librum  .  .  .  cui  nomen  concordia  Regularum  .  .  . 
dedit  ita  duntaxat  ut  B.  Benedicti  praecederet  sententia,  eo  vero  rationabiliter  con- 
venientes  lunger entur.  Hugo  Menardus,  who  edited  the  Concordia  (16.38),  gives 
a  list  of  26  rules  from  which  it  was  composed. 

^  Hauck,  ibid.  iii.  591. 

'  Ibid. 


CHAPTER  II 

ORIGINS   OF   CLUNY — BERNO,    FIRST   ABBOT 

In  the  life  of  St.  Hugh  of  Autun  ^  there  is  a  story  ^  which  links 
the  origin  of  Climy  to  the  mother  of  Western  monasticism, 
Monte  Cassino.  In  the  sixth  century  certain  distinguished  men 
of  Gaul,  moved  by  God  and  the  love  of  holy  religion,  sent 
messengers  to  St.  Benedict  begging  him  ^  to  send  monks  from 
Monte  Cassino  to  Gaul  as  instructors  in  the  regular  discipline. 
Benedict  sent  twelve  monks,  one  of  whom  was  his  best  beloved 
Maurus.  They  came  to  Anjou,  where  they  founded  the  monastery 
of  Glanfeuil,  over  which  Maurus  was  made  abbot.  Under  his 
direction  the  monastery  prospered  exceedingly.  Its  numbers 
increased,  till  an  incursion  by  the  Northmen  forced  the  monks 
to  flee  farther  south,  where  they  settled  at  St.  Savin's,  Poitiers, 
and  again  by  their  zeal  caused  monastic  life  to  flourish.  St. 
Savin's  became  a  model  monastery  which  the  kings  of  Gaul 
delighted  to  favour.  Inspired  by  their  example  a  certain 
Badillo  was  moved  to  emulation,  and  resolved  to  restore  the 
ruined  abbey  of  St.  Martin,  Autun.  Having  done  so,  he  sent 
to  St.  Savin's  and  persuaded  eighteen  of  the  monks  to  settle  in 
his  new  monastery,  Hugh,  who  later  became  abbot,  being  amongst 
their  number.  Under  Hugh's  fostering  care  fruit  a  hundredfold 
was  brought  forth.  From  far  and  near  men  flocked  to  take  their 
vows  at  St.  Martin's.  At  this  time  monastic  life  was  almost 
dead  in  Gaul,  and  the  state  of  the  few  monasteries  which  had 

1  AA.SS.  Boll.,  Apr.  II.  cap.i  .  3. 

2  Rodulf  Glaber  (eleventh  century)  gives  the  same  story.     That  St.  ]\raur 
ever  came  to  Gaul  has  been  disputed. 

'   Vita  Hugonis:   Ut  monachile  institutum  quod  pene  in  illis  j^cirtibus  anmd- 
latiim  deperierat  aliquatenvs  reforwnre  saiagerent. 

9 


10  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

survived  amidst  the  ruin  and  desolation  caused  by  the  incursions 
of  the  Northmen,  a  scandal.  Of  all  the  monasteries  of  Gaul 
that  of  Baume  was  the  most  lacking  in  regularity  of  life.  The 
monks  of  St.  Martin  were  asked  to  reform  it,  and  sent  thither 
Berno,  who  later  became  its  abbot.  With  his  name  comes  the 
connection  of  Baume  with  Cluny.  Not  only  did  Berno  restore 
regularity  of  discipline  at  Baume,  but  also  with  his  co-operation  ^ 
duke  William  of  Aquitaine  founded  the  monastery  of  Cluny, 
over  which  Berno  was  appointed  abbot.  Thus  the  chain  runs 
from  Monte  Cassino  to  Glanfeuil,  from  Glanfeuil  to  St.  Savin's, 
Poitiers,  from  St.  Savin's  to  St.  Martin's,  Autun,  from  St.  Martin's 
to  Baume,  and  hence  to  Cluny. 

This  information  about  Berno  conflicts  with  that  given  in 
the  anonymous  life  of  Odo.^  There  we  are  told  that  Berno, 
scion  of  a  distinguished  and  wealthy  Burgundian  house,  despised 
the  luxuries  of  this  world,  preferring  to  follow  the  precept  of  the 
Gospel  and  to  lay  up  his  treasure  in  heaven.  Therefore,  helped 
by  his  relative  Laufinus,^  he  built  the  monastery  of  Gigny  on 
his  own  land,  and  dowered  it  with  no  small  riches.  Monks 
settled  there,  and  after  a  time  Berno  could  rejoice  that  his 
prayers  had  been  heard.  The  monastery  stood  forth  an  example 
of  all  that  was  best  in  monastic  life.  He  endowed  it  with  all 
his  possessions,  and  himself  took  vows. 

Later,  when  perfected  in  the  rule,  he,  at  the  request  of  the 
monks  and  nobles  of  the  district,  became  abbot.  So  prudently 
and  well  did  he  rule  that  his  fame  spread.  He  was  asked  to 
take  over  and  reform  Baume,  a  monastery  said  to  have  been 
founded  by  Columbanus  himself,  but  which  had  lost  both  religious 
and  temporal  prosperity.  Under  Berno,  its  former  reputation 
for  holiness  was  restored. 

These  two  accounts  are  contradictory,  though  they  agree 

1  Bruel,  Recueil  des  chartes  de  Cluny,  i.  285,  Quod  Wilhelmus  quoddam 
monasterium  Cluniacum  per  manus  Bernonis  construxit.     Cf.  253,  269. 

2  Discovered  by  Sackur,  Bibl.  Nat.  Paris,  5566,  fol.  21. 

^  Gigny  .  .  .  a  te  tuoque  consobrino  nomine  Laufino  (Migne,  129,  p.  845, 
Formosi  papae  privilegia). 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  11 

in  the  most  important  particular,  that  the  reform  of  Baume 
was  undertaken  by  Berno.  The  first  account  makes  the  reform 
emanate  from  St.  Martin's,  Autun,  from  which  monastery  the 
monk  Berno  was  sent  to  reform  Baume ;  the  second  makes  it 
emanate  from  Gigny,  which  was  founded  by  Berno  when  still 
a  layman.  The  evidence  of  later  charters  rather  supports  the 
second  authority,  for  they  show  that  Baume  was  dependent  on 
Gigny.  Also  certain  principles  upheld  at  Gigny  were  later 
adopted  at  Baume  and  Cluny.  Berno,  when  he  proceeded  to 
Rome  (894)  to  have  the  charter  of  Gigny  confirmed,  placed  the 
monastery  under  the  protection  of  the  papal  see.^  Its  liberties 
were  assured.  The  monks  were  free  to  choose  their  abbot,^  and 
were  not  to  pay  tenths  (conditions  which  obtained  both  at  Baume 
and  Cluny  later). 

Unfortunately  very  little  is  known  of  the  history  of  Gigny, 
which  Berno  seems  to  have  left  after  taking  over  the  direction 
of  Baume.  From  the  latter  monastery  he  evidently  exercised 
his  authority  over  Gigny.  At  Baume  his  connection  w^ith  duke 
William  of  Aquitaine  arose ;  for  William's  retainers  often 
visited  the  little  monastery  of  Baume,  and  ever  brought  back 
to  their  lord  reports  of  the  abbot's  excellent  rule  and  adminis- 
tration. William,  who  had  decided  to  found  a  monastery,  felt 
he  could  not  do  better  than  consult  Berno  on  the  subject.  He 
asked  the  latter  about  a  site,  but  to  his  dismay  the  abbot  fixed 
on  Cluny,  the  favourite  hunting-ground  of  the  Duke,  nay  on  the 
hunting-lodge  itself. 

'  Impossible,'  William  replied,  '  I  cannot  have  my  dogs 
removed.'     Jocularly  the  abbot  answered,  '  Drive  out  the  dogs, 

^  Ibid.,  Ideo  suggessistis  nostro  apostolatiii  ut  aj)ostolici  nostri  privUegii  illnd 
sanctione  muniremus  .  .  .  confirmamvs,  munimus  el  in  perpetuum  sub  hire  et 
dilione  atque  potestate  B.  Petri  et  nostra  confirmatum  stabilimus.  .  .  .  Ut  yiulli 
homini  quaynlibet  dignitatem  fiilcito  licitum  sit,  aid  etiam  de  ipsis  donatoribus 
quamcunque  vim  aut  aliquam  oppressionem  ibidem  inferre  .  .  .  potius  firmum 
et  ab  omnibus  immutilatum  citstodiatur  ad  ius  et  prolectionem  beati  Petri. 

2  Ibid.,  Congregatio  .  .  .  ex  seipsis  secundum  Deum  et  regulam  beati  Benedicti 
quem  idoneum  praeviderint  concordi  vote  habent  semper  eligendi  et  secundum 
morem  in  abbatem  sibi  praejiciendi. 


12  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

and  put  monks  in  their  place,  for  thou  canst  well  think  what 
reward  God  will  give  thee  for  dogs,  and  what  for  monks.'  ^ 

Struck  by  these  words  William  ordered  the  building  to  begin. 

Apart  from  this  legend,  the  origins  of  Cluny  ^  remain  in 
obscurity.  In  the  three  original  sources,  William's  deed  of 
gift,  Berno's  will,  and  the  Vita  Anonyma,  no  precise  information 
is  given  about  the  founding  of  the  abbey. 

.  The  Vita  account,  which  is  evidently  based  on  Berno's  will, 
runs  as  follows.  When  the  success  of  Berno's  reform  at  Baume 
was  known,  the  religious  and  powerful  men  of  the  day,  not  only 
those  living  in  the  neighbourhood  but  even  those  from  distant 
parts,  being  grieved  that  monastic  life  had  almost  perished  in 
Gaul,  resolved  to  place  other  monasteries  under  his  direction. 
The  famous  duke  William  of  Aquitaine  gave  him  the  two 
distant  monasteries  of  Deols  and  Massay,  where  he  instructed 
the  monks  in  the  regular  discipline.  Next  William  gave  him 
property  at  Cluny  where  a  monastery  was  to  be  built,  a  work 
which  Berno  at  once  began  with  as  much  zeal  as  goodwill. 
In  a  short  time  the  walls  of  the  church  arose,  a  habitation  for 
the  monks  was  planned,  and  no  small  pains  taken  for  the  whole 
work.  But  alas,  before  even  the  walls  of  the  monastery  rose 
above  ground,  it  was  bereft  of  its  master,  nay  rather  of  its  parent, 
by  the  death  of  the  duke,  and  left  a  posthumous  child.  As 
William  died  in  918,  and  the  charter  of  foundation  was  drawn  up 
in  910,  the  building  could  not  have  proceeded  with  any  great 

^  Vita  Hugonis,  cap.  ii.  13. 

2  Both  the  royal  charters  (anno  927)  mention  Berno  as  having  built  the 
monastery.  (1)  Quod  Wilhelmus  quoddam  monaster ium  Cluniacum  per  manus 
Bernonis  construxit.  (2)  Quod  a  Wilhelmo  per  manus  Bernonis  constructum  est. 
The  vill  Cluny  was  given  to  the  bishop  of  Macon  in  802.  He  gave  it  and  another 
vill  to  the  count  of  Macon  in  exchange  for  3  vills  (Bruel,  i.  4,  6).  From  the 
count  it  passed  to  Ava,  sister  of  William  of  Aquitaine.  She  willed  it  to  her 
brother  (893)  in  exchange  for  an  alod  which  she  was  to  hold  for  life.  The  charter 
of  gift  (Bruel,  53)  describes  Cluny  as  a  vill  with  churches,  chapels,  manors,  vine- 
yards, meadows,  pasture-land,  plantations  of  trees,  cultivated  and  unculti- 
vated land,  waters  and  water- courses.  All  was  given  to  William  except  twenty 
serfs.  If  William  had  a  legitimate  son  or  daughter  Cluny  was  to  descend  to 
them. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  13 

rapidity.  Even  at  the  date  of  Berno's  will  (c.  926)  the  monastery 
was  not  completed. 

AVilliam's  charter  ^  dealt  only  with  the  deed  of  gift,  and  with 
his  intentions  regarding  the  monastery.  Freely  he  gave  to  the 
apostles  Peter  and  Paul  the  vill  Cluny,  with  cortile,  manor  in 
demesne,  and  chapel,  dedicated  to  the  Virgin  and  St.  Peter. 
Everything  belonging  to  Cluny  went  with  the  gift — vills,  chapels, 
vineyards,  fields,  meadows,  woods,  waters,  mills,  serfs,  cultivated 
and  uncultivated  lands.  On  the  site  chosen  the  monks  themselves 
were  to  build  the  monastery  according  to  their  skill  and  know- 
ledge. ^  There  unceasing  vows  and  prayers  were  to  be  offered  up, 
so  that  with  deep  ardour  and  quick  desire  men  might  find  the 
charm  of  intercourse  with  heaven.  The  Benedictine  rule  was  to 
be  followed.  Berno  was  to  be  first  abbot.  On  his  death  the 
monks  were  freely  to  elect  their  new  abbot,^  neither  William  nor 
any  other  person  daring  to  interfere  with  the  election.  They 
were  to  pay  Rome  a  tribute  of  ten  solidi  every  five  years,  and  to 
have  the  papal  protection  and  guardianship.* 

According  as  the  possessions  and  opportunities  of  the 
monastery  allowed,  hospitality  was  to  be  given  daily  to  the  poor, 
needy,  strangers,  and  pilgrims,  and  the  monastery  to  serve  as  a 
perpetual  refuge  to  those  who,  leaving  the  world  stripped  of  its 
goods,  and  bringing  nothing  with  them  but  their  goodwill, 
might  find  in  its  superfluity  their  abundance.  Notwithstanding 
this  clause  we  know  that  Cluny  was  not  richly  endowed.  It 
was  '  poor  in  possessions  \^  and  endowed  with  but  fifteen 
coloniae.^     Lack  of  funds  brought  the  building  to  a  standstill, 


1  Bruel,  i.  112. 

2  Ibid.,  Pro  posse  et  nosse  sua,  corde  et  animo  pleno  locum  edijicent. 

^  Ibid.,  Haheant  idem  monachi  potestatem  et  licentiam  quemcumque  sui 
ordinis  eligere,  nialuerint  abbatem  atque  rectorem,  ita  ut  nee  nostra  nee  alicuius 
potestatis  contradictione  contra  religiosam  electionem  impediantur. 

"*  Ibid.,  Habeantque  tnitionem  ipsoritin  apostoloriun  atque  Romani  pontificis 
defensionem. 

»  Bibl.  Chin.  p.  9  (Berno's  will). 

^  Migne,  142  ;  R,  Glaber,  Hist.  iii.  cap.  5,  Quod  etiam  cenobium  in  prima 
nan  amplius  quam  quindecim  terrae  colonias  dicitur  in  dotem  accepisse 


.   14  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

a  difficulty  only  overcome  by  the  second  abbot's  enterprise, 
backed  by  the  generosity  of  his  friends  in  Aquitaine.^ 

The  most  important  clause  of  the  charter,  in  the  light  of 
Cluny's  later  history,  is  that  which  assured  its  freedom.  The 
monks  were  subject  neither  to  William,  his  relations,  royal 
officials,  nor  any  earthly  yoke.  No  secular  prince,  count,  bishop, 
nor  even  the  pope  himself,  was  to  seize  their  property,^  divide  it, 
diminish  it,  nor  give  it  to  benefit  another  :  nor  were  they  to  set 
an  abbot  over  the  monks  against  their  will.^  William  called  on 
the  holy  apostles  Peter  and  Paul,  and  on  the  pope,  to  be  guardians 
and  protectors^  of  Cluny,  and  by  canonical  and  apostolic  authority 
to  drive  from  the  community  of  the  church,  and  from  eternal 
life,  those  who  attacked  or  seized  the  property  which  with  joyful 
mind  and  ready  will  he  had  given  them.  A  tremendous  curse 
was  called  down  on  any  one  who  violated  the  charter.^  Thus 
from  its  origin  Cluny  stood  for  monastic  autonomy. 

Berno's  will  gives  little  additional  information.  Berno 
administered  six  monasteries — Gigny,  Baume,  the  abbey  of 
Aethicens  with  the  cella  of  St.  Lautenus,  Deols,  Massay,  and  Cluny. 

1  Migne,  133 ;   Vita  Odonis,  ii,  cap.  2. 

^  Bruel,  i.  112,  Ut  ah  hac  die  nee  nostro  nee  parentnm  nostrorum,  nee  fastibus 
regie  magnitudinis,  nee  cuiuslibet  terren^  potestatis  iugo  subiciantur  idem  monachi 
ibi  congregati ;  neque  aliquis  principium  seeularium  .  .  .  non  eoynes  quisquam  nee 
episcopus  quilibet,  non  pontifex  invadat.  .  .  . 

^  Ibid.,  Non  aliquem  prelatum  super  eos  contra  eorum  voluntatem  constituat. 

*  Ibid.,  Tutor es  ac  defensor es. 

^  Ibid.,  Primum  quidem  iram  Dei  omnipotentis  incurrat,  auferatque  Dens 
partem  illius  de  terra  viventium  et  deleat  nomen  eius  de  libro  vitae,  fiatque  pars 
illius  cum  his  qui  dixerunt  Dno  Deo  Recede  a  nobis,  et  cum  Dathan  et  Abiron, 
quos  terra  ore  aperto  deglutivit  et  vivos  infer nis  absorbuit,  perhennem  dampna- 
tionem  incurrat :  sortius  quoque  Judae  proditoris  Domini  effectus,  aeternis 
cruciatibus  retrusus  teneatur  :  et  ne  ei  in  presenti  seculo  humanis  oculis  impune 
transire  videatur,  in  corpore  quidem  propria  future  damnationis  tormenta 
experiatur,  sortitus  duplicem  direptionem  cum  Haeliodoro  et  Antiocho,  quorum 
alter  acris  verberibus  coercitus  vix  semivivus  evasit :  alter  vero,  nutu  superno 
perculsus,  putrescentibus  membris  et  scafentibus  vermibus  miserrime  interiit  : 
ceterisque  sacrilegis  qui  aerarium  domus  Dni  temerare  presumpserunt  particeps 
existat,  habeatque  archiclavum,  totius  monarchiae  ecclesiarum  iuncto  sibi  sco 
PaulOf  obstitorem  et  ameni  paradisi  auditus  contradictor  em.  The  final  clause, 
that  such  sinners  shall  be  compelled  by  the  judicial  power  to  pay  a  fine  of 
100  pounds  gold,  comes  as  an  anticlimax. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  15 

Feeling  death  near,  with  the  consent  of  the  brothers,  he  apj)ointed 
Wido,  one  of  his  monks,  and  his  relative,  abbot  of  the  first  three, 
and  Odo,  equally  beloved,  of  the  second.^  Some  of  Gigny's 
property  was  given  to  Cluny,  viz.  the  vill  Alfracta,  part  of  a 
meadow  belonging  to  a  certain  Simon,  and  a  fourth  of  the 
caldariae.'^  In  return,  the  monks  of  Cluny  were  to  pay  Gigny 
twelve  denarii  annually  in  investiture.  Berno  begged  the 
princes,  seniores,  and  magnates  who  at  the  monastery  had 
heard  his  will  read  by  word  of  mouth  to  consent  to  monasteries, 
abbots,  and  monks  remaining  in  that  state  sanctioned  by  royal 
decree,  and  indeed  by  apostolic  privilege.  If,  as  was  not  improb- 
able, strife  should  arise  from  within  or  from  without,  he  begged 
them  to  uphold  justice  and  abide  by  the  tenor  of  his  will. 
There  was  no  injustice  in  his  gift  to  Cluny,  which,  left  a  posthum- 
ous child  ^  by  duke  William's  death  and  now  by  his,  was  still 
unfinished.  Dedicated  like  Gigny  to  the  apostles  Peter  and 
Paul,  it  was  only  fitting  that  the  new  son  should  receive  a  share 
of  the  patrimony.  Besides,  though  Cluny  was  poorer  in  posses- 
sions it  was  greater  in  numbers,'* — a  surprising  statement — ;  it 
may  be,  however,  that  the  monks  who  were  to  build  the  monastery 
themselves  were  living  at  Cluny  in  temporary  huts.  Hoping 
for  concord  Berno  exhorted  them  to  observe  uniformity  in 
the  manner  of  life  (modus  conversationis)  at  the  six  monasteries, 
if  not  better  at  least  as  well  as  they  had  done  hithertofore,  i.e. 
as  regards  ritual,  observance  of  silence,  food  and  drink,  and 
above  all  the  giving  up  of  private  possessions.^  If  any  brother 
continued  pertinaciously  in  error,  the  priores  of  the  monasteries 
were  mutually  to  decide  how  to  correct  him. 

1  Bibl.  Clun.  p.  9,  Uiiidonem  meum  consanguinem  atque  Odonem  edaeque 
dihctiim  una  cum  fratrum  consensu  mihi  succedere  delegavi.  The  last  mention 
of  Berno's  name  as  abbot  is  in  a  charter  dated  926,  and  the  first  mention  of 
Odo's  in  a  charter,  927. 

^  Caldaria,  large  vessel  in  which  water  was  carried  to  the  fire  (Ducange). 

^  Ibid.,  Quasi  postumus,  morte  .  .  .  Ouellelnii  .  .  .  atque  nunc  mea 
imperfectus  deseritur. 

*  Ibid.,  Et  eerie  pauperior  est  possessione  et  numerosa  Jraterniiate. 

^  Ibid.,  Unanimitas  .  .  .  in  psalmodia  .  .  .  et  insuper  in  contemptu  rerum 
propriarunif  si  non  melius  saliem  sicut  hue  usque  fecistis. 


16  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

After  Berno's  death  concord  did  not  long  continue.  Wido, 
though  a  signatory  to  the  will,  took  by  violence  the  property 
Berno  had  left  to  Cluny.  This  came  to  the  ears  of  the  pope 
(John  X.),  who  wrote  to  Rudolf,  king  of  the  Franks,  ordering  the 
property  to  be  restored  (928).  Wido  argued  that  Berno's  decree 
was  illegal  in  that  he  had  named  no  period  of  time  nor  persons 
in  connection  with  the  gift.  The  papal  decision  was  that  the 
monks  of  Cluny  were  to  hold  the  land  as  long  as  any  of  those 
who  had  taken  vows  at  Gigny  lived  at  Cluny .^  He  commended 
the  abbot  and  monks  of  Cluny  to  the  king  and  his  fideles  who 
were  able  to  further  the  abbey's  interest.  Wido,  therefore, 
gave  up  what  he  had  taken  —  Alfracta,  an  alod,  and  half  a 
meadow,  which  were  never  to  be  alienated  from  Cluny  unless, 
a  somewhat  malicious  ending,  the  monastery  and  its  inhabitants 
ever  returned  to  canonical  or  secular  life. 

From  our  three  authorities  all  that  we  know  about  the 
origin  of  the  monastery  comes  to  this.  The  charter  of  foundation 
was  drawn  up  in  910.  Forthwith  the  work  of  building  began, 
but  proceeded  so  slowly  that  at  William's  death  only  the  church 
was  finished.  The  work  was  then  probably  left  over,  so  that 
by  Berno's  death  little  more  had  been  accomplished.  This 
delay  in  building  was  due  to  lack  of  funds.  It  was  only  under 
Odo  that  the  building  was  zealously  undertaken,  and  through 
the  generosity  of  his  friends  in  Aquitaine  completed.^  This, 
while  putting  forward  the  date  of  the  monastery,  renders  more 
intelligible  the  fact  that  the  royal  charter  was  not  obtained  till 
927,  the  papal  931. 

^  Bouquet,  ix.  217,  Quod  Berno  hoc  legaliter  non  fecit  pro  eo  quod  terminum 
temporis  ac  personarum  in  illo  suo  testamento  non  posuit.  Quandiu  ex  illis 
monachis  qui  in  Ginniaco  professionem  fecerunt  aut  oblati  sunt  apud  Cluniacmn 
aliquis  vixerit.    The  pope  wrote  directly  to  the  king  to  explain  the  circumstances. 

^  Bruel,  i.  425  (anno  935  ?).  As  their  common  father  Berno  had  dedicated 
both  monasteries  to  St.  Peter,  had  begged  the  monks  to  continue  in  fraternity 
and  love,  and  was  buried  at  Cluny,  Wido  and  his  domni  frntres  freely  gave  up 
what  he  had  willed.  In  return  they  were  to  receive  annually  in  vestitura  wax 
to  the  value  of  twelve  denarii. 


CHAPTER  III 

Or>0,    SECOND   ABBOT   OF   CLUNY 

Though  Berno  ^  held  the  title  of  abbot  of  the  yet  unfinished 
monastery  of  Cluny,  its  real  history  first  began  with  Odo,  the 
second  abbot.  He  it  was  who  laid  the  foundation  of  Cluny's 
future  greatness  and  shaped  the  course  of  her  later  history. 
Fortunately  we  are  better  informed  about  the  circumstances  of 
his  life  than  about  the  lives  of  his  successors,  for  Odo  had  as  his 
biographer  his  enthusiastic  and  devoted  disciple  John,^  whose 
vivifying  love,  even  across  the  cold  centuries  of  history,  performs 
the  miracle  of  making  his  master's  figure  live. 

The  details  which  John  gives  about  Odo's  childhood  he 
learnt  from  Odo  himself.  Once  when  abbot  and.  disciple  were 
travelling  together  far  from  the  monastery,  John  '  laid  aside  his 
timidity,  boldly  raised  his  voice,  and  did  not  fear  diligently  to 
ask  Odo  to  deign  to  tell  him  about  his  childhood  and  his  monastic 
life.  He,  as  was  his  custom,  was  silent  for  a  little  time,  then  his 
face  moved  by  emotion,  he  sighed  deeply,  and  told  the  story 
of  his  childhood,^  his  words  broken  by  tears  and  groans.' 

His  father  was  a  certain  Abbo,  different  from  the  men  of  these 
*  modern  times  '  in  that  he  was  learned  in  the  histories  of  old, 
and  knew  by  heart  the  Novellae  of  Justinian.     He  was   also 

^  Bruel,  i.  214,  Presidente  donino  Berone  abhate.  The  date  of  this  charter 
is  uncertain,  917-922.  253,  Sacrosanctae  el  venerabili  ecclesiae  St.  P.P.  .  .  . 
in  villa  Cluniaco  qiiam  abba  Berno  una  cum  monachis  ad  regendurn  habere 
videtur  (anno  925).  2G9,  Clun.  quod  monasteriuni  iussu  ac  supplemento  W. 
decenter  in  P.P.  honore  sub  providentia  Bernonis  construiUtr  (anno  926). 

^  Migne,  133,  p.  43,  Vita  Odonis  a  Joanne. 

'  It  is  not  known  to  what  part  of  Gaul  Odo's  family  belonged.  In  a  vision 
before  his  death  St.  Martin  appeared  to  him  and  granted  him  leave  to  return 
to  his  own  land,  Tours,  where  he  was  buried.  According  to  the  Vila  Anonyma 
he  came  from  Semur.  In  another  passage  in  the  Vita  Joanne  he  is  called  Odo 
Aquilanus. 

17  C 


18  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

familiar  witli  the  Gospel,  and  was  always  ready  to  recite  its  })re- 
cepts  to  those  around  him.  Among  his  contemporaries  he  was 
held  in  such  esteem  that  from  far  and  near  men  came  to  ask  for 
his  decision  in  cases  of  dispute,  assured  of  his  impartiality.  A 
deeply  religious  man,  the  vigil  of  a  saint  found  him  ever  on  his 
knees.  One  Christmas  as  he  watched  through  the  still  hours  of 
the  holy  night,  he  was  moved  to  beseech  God  ever  more  and 
more  urgently  for  the  gift  of  a  son,  a  boon  hitherto  denied  him. 
His  prayer  was  heard,  and  his  wife  Arenberga,  though  past  the 
age  of  child-bearing,  bore  him  a  son.^  As  the  boy  grew  older, 
often  did  the  father  dwell  on  the  story  of  his  birth. 

Another  story  of  his  childhood  Odo  later  learnt  from  his 
father's  lips.  One  day  Abbo  entered  the  sejpta  cuhiculi  and 
found  the  baby  alone.  Fearful  of  its  safety  he  raised  the  child 
in  his  arms,  and  confiding  him  to  St.  Martin  said,  '  Oh,  gem  of 
saints,  receive  this  child.'  He  told  no  one  of  this  incident,  but 
St.  Martin  did  not  forget. 

A  third  story  presaged  the  boy's  future  greatness.  He  was 
sent  to  a  '  remote  district '  to  be  educated  by  a  priest,  who 
was  one  day  visited  by  the  apostles  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul. 
They  demanded  the  boy,  whom  they  required  for  their  service 
in  Eastern  parts.  The  priest,  terrified  at  the  thought  of  the 
parents'  anger  should  the  boy  be  missing,  implored  the  apostles 
to  give  up  their  project.  This  they  consented  to  do,  but  only, 
as  they  explained,  for  the  moment.  The  priest  hastened  to 
send  the  boy  home. 

Then  came  a  change  in  Odo's  life.  He  had  probably  been 
a  delicate  child,  but  as  he  grew  to  youth  he  developed  such 
strength  and  vigour  ^  that  his  father  repented  of  having  destined 
him  for  an  ecclesiastical,  and  resolved  to  train  him  for  a  military 
career.  His  literary  studies  were  brought  to  a  close,  and  he  was 
sent  as  a  page  to  the  court  of  William  of  Aquitaine.     There  his  life 

1  Vita ;  cf.  Bruel,  i.  584.  This  charter  states  that  a  brother  {germanus)  of 
Odo's  gave  a  church  to  Cluny  (942-53).  There  is  also  a  story  in  the  Vita 
about  the  infant  son  of  Odo's  brother. 

2  Vita  Joanne,  i.  8,  Strenuum  et  conspicabilem  iuvenew. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  19 

passed  in  hunting  and  military  exercises  ;  but  this,  though  it 
might  please  his  father's  pride,  was  not  pleasing  to  St.  Martin, 
who  was  not  content  to  have  so  promising  an  acolyte  escape. 
In  sleep  Odo  was  terrified  by  visions.  Hunting  brought  him  no 
pleasure,  but  immense  fatigue.  It  seemed  to  him  that  his  life 
was  given  over  to  evil.  The  change  from  the  quiet  life  in  some 
remote  village  with  the  studious  priest  to  the  coarse  and  rough 
pleasures  of  the  hardy  fighting  baron  must  have  been  most 
distasteful  to  the  boy's  sensitive  temperament,  all  the  more  if 
he  knew  the  story  of  the  apostles'  visit,  and  in  the  quiet  fields 
had  thought  and  dreamed  of  the  service  for  which  they  needed 
him.  Very  lonely  and  far  away  from  that  service  he  must  have 
felt,  in  the  court  even  of  so  pious  a  duke  as  William  of  Aquitaine, 
a  court  thronged  by  many  a  hard-living  and  hard-drinking  feudal 
baron.  As  the  years  passed,  the  life  grew  more  distasteful  to 
him,  and  when  he  entered  his  sixteenth  year  his  sufferings 
increased  so  much  that  Abbo  in  alarm  advised  him  to  follow 
his  example,  and  to  pass  in  prayer  the  vigil  of  each  saint.  This 
Odo  did,  but  received  no  permanent  relief.  Then  one  Christmas, 
as  he  kept  his  vigil,  he  was  seized  by  a  passion  of  self-reproach 
and  fear  that  his  life  was  not  pleasing  to  Christ.  In  anguish  he 
poured  out  his  soul  to  the  Virgin.  As  if  in  answer  a  terrible 
pain  in  his  head  tortured  him.  It  passed,  but  it  returned,  and 
for  three  years  after  this  he  was  racked  with  pain,  was  taken  home, 
and  every  medical  aid  of  the  time  procured  for  him,  but  with 
no  result.  Finally,  his  father  bethought  himself  that  the  son's 
suffering  might  be  a  sign  from  St.  Martin,  and,  marvelling  at  the 
business-like  spirit  of  the  saint,  told  Odo  the  story  of  his  early 
dedication.  Then  mournfully  and  reproachfully  addressing  St. 
Martin — 

'  Behold,'  he  said,  '  what  gratefully  I  offered  exactly  thou 
hast  required.  Truly  as  is  fitting  thou  art  quick  to  hear  our 
vows,  but  expensive  art  thou  in  business.'  ^ 

^  Ibid.  i.  9,   Quod  grate  obtuli  exacle  requiris.      Vere  nt  decet  exaudibilis  es 
in  t^oto,  sed  car  us  in  negotio. 


20  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

But  here  seemed  a  way  of  escape  to  Odo.  At  the  age  of 
nineteen  he  hastened  to  Tours,  where  laying  his  shorn  hair 
before  the  tomb  of  the  saint,  he  vowed  himself  to  his  service, 
and  at  last  received  relief  from  his  ])ain. 

Becoming  one  of  the  canons  of  St.  Martin's,  for  six  years  he 
remained  at  Tours,  second  to  none  in  his  fervour  for  the  cult  of 
the  saint ;  always  guarding  him  in  his  heart,  telling  of  him  with 
his  mouth,  and  imitating  him  in  his  life.  His  fervent  love  for  St. 
Martin  found  expression  in  the  three  celebrated  hymns  which  at 
this  time  he  composed  and  dedicated  to  the  saint.^ 

At  that  time  Tours,  one  of  the  most  important  towns  in  Gaul 
and  famous  throughout  Christendom  for  the  eminence  of  its 
saint,  could  offer  every  luxury  of  the  day  and  every  kind  of 
dissipation  to  a  young  and  distinguished  clerk.  As  patron  Odo 
had  behind  him  no  less  a  personage  than  count  Fulc  of  Anjou, 
who  was  only  too  anxious  to  introduce  him  to  the  wealthy  circle 
of  aristocrats  who  visited  Tours  ;  whither  at  one  time  or  another, 
kings,  princes,  and  the  most  eminent  men  of  the  day  found  their 
way.  Nor  for  spiritual  benefit  alone  was  the  pilgrimage  under- 
taken. The  religious  duty  fulfilled,  there  were  open  to  the  new- 
comer all  the  pleasures  which  one  of  the  wealthiest  towns  of 
Europe  could  offer.  Not  the  least  luxurious  life  was  that  led  by 
the  young  canons,  most  of  whom  were  scions  of  some  noble 
house  ;  Odo  with  count  Fulc  behind  him  might  have  lorded 
it  with  the  best.  He  seems  to  have  entered  into  the  life  with 
some  zest  for  a  time  ;  for  John  writes  :  '  What  crowd  of  magnates 
surrounded  him  and  what  pomp  of  life  was  his  I  prefer  not  to 
dwell  on  lest  I  should  do  injury  to  that  poverty  which  after- 
wards he  followed.'  2  But  that  life  soon  palled  on  him,  and  he 
spurned  it.  Having  learnt  to  despise  the  glory  of  the  world  he 
longed  to  live  only  in  God. 

His  life  of  the  next  period  was  very  different.  During  the  day 
he  fatigued  himself  by  reading  and  during  the  night  by  prayer. 

^  Ibid.  i.  10,  Tres  hymnos  in  eius  laude  composuit 
2  Ibid.  i.  II. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  21 

His  reading  was  not  confined  to  spiritual  works.  He  began 
to  study  the  poems  of  Virgil,  a  study  which  came  to  an  untimely 
end.  One  night  in  a  vision  he  saw  a  vase  beautiful  in  form, 
but  full  of  serpents.  Immediately  he  recognised  in  the  serpents 
the  doctrines  of  the  poets,  in  the  vase  the  book  of  Virgil.  From 
this  he  understood  that  the  right  way  to  slake  his  intellectual 
thirst  was  by  Christ  alone.  Therefore,  giving  up  the  study  of 
the  secular  poets,  he  turned  to  the  Gospels  and  prophets. ^ 

Even  here  difficulties  awaited  him,  for  his  zeal  in  poring 
over  the  Scriptures  seemed  so  unnatural  to  his  fellow-canons 
that  they  did  their  best  to  dissuade  him  from  it. 

'  Why ',  they  barked,  '  do  you  do  such  things  ?  Why  do 
you  want  to  know  about  strange  writers  ?  In  such  study  you 
will  waste  the  flower  of  your  youth.  Spare  yourself.  Leave  that 
unintelligible  stuff,  and  go  instead  to  the  psalms.'  Odo possessing 
his  soul  in  patience  paid  no  heed,  and  continued  his  studies. 

Determined  to  give  himself  up  wholly  to  spiritual  contem- 
plation, he  retired  to  a  little  cell  about  two  miles  from  the  tomb 
of  St.  Martin. 2  There  for  two  years  he  lived  a  life  of  poverty, 
following  the  Gospel  precept  and  taking  no  thought  for  the 
morrow.  During  this  time  his  only  food  was  daily  a  pound  of 
bread  and  a  handful  of  beans,  '  and  what  is  contrary  to  the 
Frankish  nature,  very  little  drink  '.  Having  read  in  the  rule  of 
St.  Benedict  that  a  monk  ought  to  sleep  in  his  clothes,^  and  not 
quite  understanding  what  was  meant,  he  obeyed,  and  though 
not  a  religious,  yet  bore  the  yoke  of  the  monk.  He  never 
closed  the  door  of  his  cell.  There  was  nothing  within  it  to  steal 
not  even  a  bed,  for  he  slept  on  the  ground.  '  Nevertheless  his 
body  was  not  blackened  by  contact  with  the  earth,  nor  his  mind 
weakened  by  the  long  continuance  of  his  fast?.'  It  was 
perhaps  as  well  for  Cluny's  mission  that  its  future  abbot  passed 
through  this  phase  of  extreme  asceticism  when  still  a  young  man. 

'  Ibid.  i.  13. 

-  St,  Martin  when  bishop  of  Tours  (fourth  century)  called  monks  to  Mar- 
moutiers  outside  Tours,  where  they  lived  a  hermit-like  life. 
^  Vita  Joanne  i.  15,  vt  dormire  debeant  vestiti. 


22  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

Against  so  redoubtable  an  adversary  Satan  could  not  but  pit 
his  strength.  Many  and  various  were  the  snares  he  laid  for  Odo. 
One  night,  as  he  proceeded  alone  and  unprotected  to  the  tomb 
of  St.  Martin,  the  devil  sent  against  him  a  pack  of  foxes.  Guard- 
ing only  his  throat  Odo  went  doggedly  forward,  till  a  deliverer 
appeared  in  the  form  of  a  wolf,  wlio  not  only  dispersed  his 
assailants  but  thereafter  became  his  constant  companion.^  Then 
in  several  of  the  manuscripts  follows  a  delightful  touch.  '  If 
this  story  seem  incredible  to  the  reader,  let  him  read  Jerome's 
life  of  the  blessed  Paul,  where  he  will  find  that  two  lions  pre- 
pared the  tomb  of  the  saint.  If  still  unconvinced,  let  him  read 
further  the  life  of  Ammonius,  whose  cell  was  guarded  by  two 
dragons.  Or  again  pope  Gregory's  life  of  Jerome  where  we 
learn  that  sometimes  a  lion,  sometimes  a  bear  used  to  guard 
his  asses.'     Scepticism  is  thus  refuted. 

At  Tours  Odo  was  attracted  to  the  monastic  life.  Having 
read  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict  his  sole  desire  from  henceforth  was 
to  follow  its  precepts  :  '  Christ  now  throwing  on  the  soil  that 
seed  which  was  to  bear  forth  fruit  a  hundred  fold.'  It  is  not 
surprising  that  he  did  not  at  this  time  enter  a  monastery,  for 
the  condition  of  the  monasteries  in  Tours  was  so  scandalous  as 
to  revolt  a  religious  mind.  At  the  end  of  his  life  Odo's  righteous 
indignation  still  boiled  over  at  the  remembrance  of  the  life  led 
by  the  monks  of  Tours.  To  his  love  of  St.  Martin  it  was  as  the 
'  abomination  of  desolation '  that  scandal  should  ever  have 
touched  the  saint's  holy  places.  To  his  attentive  disciple  John  he 
described  those  evil  days  when  the  monks  began  to  follow  their 
own  desires,  live  corrupt  lives,  and  give  up  monastic  customs. ^ 
They  would  wear  no  longer  the  monastic  habit,  but  paraded 
about  in  coloured  garments,  wore  flowing  cowls  and  tunics,  and 
even  covered  these  with  a  cloak.  Worse  still,  to  be  in  the 
height  of  fashion  they  wore  shoes  so  coloured  and  shining  that 

1  Ibid.  i.  14. 

^  Ibid.  iii.  1,  Persistente  monastica  congregatione  aptid  eccUsiam  beati 
Martini  Turonis  coeperunt  modnm  suum.  consuetudinesgne  relinquere,  ac  propriis 
voluntatibvs  rifam  suam  propositumque  corrumpere. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  23 

they  resembled  glass,  which  they  were  so  afraid  of  soiling  that 
they  would  not  venture  to  the  nightly  Lands,  but  waited  till  by 
the  light  of  day  they  might  pick  their  steps  !  These  and  similar 
things  they  did,  defying  the  rule,  but  God  was  to  put  an  end  to 
these  evils.  One  night,  when  all  was  quiet,  a  monk  saw  two  men 
enter  the  dormitory,  one  with  a  drawn  sword  in  his  hand,  the 
other  directing  him.  Pointing  out  the  monks  in  turn — '  Strike  ', 
the  one  called  to  the  other,  '  here  and  here.'  In  time  all  were 
numbered,  and  the  sword  came  nearer  and  nearer  to  the  watcher 
till  it  hovered  over  him.  With  a  terrible  cry  he  adjured  them — 
'  By  the  living  God  slay  me  not.'  Immediately  the  sword  was 
withdrawn,  and  of  all  only  he  escaped.^ 

The  evil  condition  of  monastic  life  Odo  attributed  to  the 
invasion  of  the  Northmen,  when  many  of  the  Benedictine  order 
returned  to  the  world  and  its  pleasures,  and  forsaking  their 
monastic  communities  enjoyed  once  more  family  life,  and  the 
society  of  their  relatives  and  friends.^  No  longer  working 
together  for  the  prosperity  of  a  particular  monastery,  they 
sought  to  enrich  themselves.  Tearing  up  their  old  garments, 
and  not  content  with  plain  new  ones,  they  arrayed  them- 
selves in  fine  colours.  Even  the  few  who  remained  constant  to 
their  profession  preferred  outside  the  monastic  walls  to  dress 
like  laymen.  The  terrible  consequence  of  this  one  of  these 
monks  learnt  to  his  cost.  He  was  sent  on  business  outside  the 
monastery  with  a  companion.  Before  starting  he  divested  him- 
self of  his  habit,  an  example  which  his  companion  virtuously 
refused  to  follow.  On  the  journey  the  first  monk  was  struck 
by  mortal  sickness.  As  the  agony  of  death  came  upon  him,  he 
and  his  companion  saw  the  vision  of  a  throne  on  high,  where 

^  Ibid.  When  Odo  was  instructing  the  young  monks  in  the  regular  discij)iine 
he  would  often  tell  them  of  the  miserable  fate  which  had  overtaken  many 
monks,  so  as  to  restrain  their  youthful  temperaments,  and  guide  them  like  a 
she])herd  by  the  staff  of  terror  to  the  joys  of  heaven.  On  one  such  occasion 
John  had  asked  how  and  when  motiastic  life  had  degenerated  and  whether  it 
had  sunk  as  low  in  the  rest  of  Europe  as  in  Italy.  In  reply  Odo  told  the  two 
stories  above.  John  first  met  Odo  in  Rome,  and  received  his  training  at 
Pavia  (p.  04)  -  J  bid.  iii.  2. 


24  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

St.  Benedict  sat  surrounded  by  an  innumerable  army  of  monks. 
Before  the  throne  the  dying  monk  saw  himself  lie  prostrate, 
beseeching  pardon.  One  of  the  monks  near  the  throne  inter- 
ceded for  him.  St.  Benedict  replied  that  though  he  saw  a  man 
before  him,  yet,  as  he  did  not  recognise  the  habit,  he  could  do 
nothing  ;  it  was  not  within  his  powers  to  discuss  those  of  another 
order,  or  judge  their  lives. 

.  At  these  words  despair  seized  the  dying  monk,  but  in  a 
passion  of  pity  his  companion  took  off  his  habit  and  wrapped 
it  round  the  sinner,  whereupon  the  saint  commanded  the  latter 
to  arise.  Awakening  from  sleep  the  companion  did  as  he  had 
seen  himself  do  in  the  vision,  and  strengthening  his  friend  by 
prayer,  and  fortifying  him  with  the  holy  Eucharist,  sent  him 
forth  fearless  on  his  last  journey. 

Such  were  the  incidents  which  struck  Odo  most  in  the  life 
of  the  monks  of  Tours,  awakening  in  him  the  desire  to  dedicate 
himself  to  the  work  of  monastic  reform,  as  the  closing  words  of 
his  hymn  in  honour  of  St.  Martin  showed  : 

Monastico  nunc  ordini 
Jam  pene  lapso  ^bveni. 

Meantime  his  fame  had  grown  steadily.  Notwithstanding 
his  desire  to  remain  hidden  from  the  world  in  his  little  cell,  he 
became  one  of  the  best-known  figures  at  Tours,  and  to  see  him  a 
coveted  event  of  the  pilgrimage.  Those  who  had  known  him 
desired  to  recall  themselves  to  his  memory,  and  those  who  did 
not,  sought  the  privilege  of  friendship.  To  all,  like  a  flowing 
fountain,  he  offered  delectable  draughts ;  to  all,  as  an  open 
library,  he  gave  fitting  example.  He  admonished  and  directed 
all  who  came  to  him,  teaching  one  to  condemn  the  world,  and 
another  not  to  covet  its  goods.  He  wept  with  prophetic  soul 
over  the  evils  to  come,  crying,  *  Behold,  Lord,  how  is  the  city 
which  was  full  of  riches  made  desolate.'  The  guilty,  listening  to 
him,  were  terrified.  The  guiltless,  strong  in  innocence,  rejoiced 
at  the  consolation  of  his  words.     Thus  he  saved  many,  who  to 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  25 

show  their  gratitude  wished  to  load  him  with  gifts  which  he 
steadfastly  refused.  So  it  was  he  who,  from  being  a  pupil,  began 
to  lead  his  masters,  and  to  be  an  example  to  his  many  followers.^ 

After  a  time,  disappointed  at  having  his  solitude  invaded,  he 
betook  himself  to  Paris  in  order  to  study. ^  There  his  teacher 
in  all  branches  of  the  liberal  arts  was  Remigius.  Having  finished 
his  studies  at  Paris,  he  returned  to  Tours.  This  time  the  canons 
regarded  his  intellectual  abilities  with  greater  respect,  and  asked 
him  to  write  an  abridgement  of  the  Moralia  of  pope  Gregory 
the  Great.  Odo  refused,  feeling  that  it  would  be  desecration  to 
curtail  so  great  a  work.  The  canons  accused  him  of  laziness, 
'  and  there  was  no  small  altercation  between  them  daily '. 
Finally  the  pope  himself  descended  in  a  vision  and  entrusted 
Odo  with  the  task,  when  his  scruples  were  removed. 

It  was  at  Tours  that,  through  his  connection  with  count  Fulc, 
he  made  a  friendship  which  was  to  change  the  course  of  his  life. 
Fulc,  fallen  from  grace,  had  abstracted  two  golden  vases  from 
St.  Martin's  treasury,  and  refused  to  give  them  back.  A  mortal 
illness  which  attacked  him  witnessed  to  the  weight  of  the  saint's 
displeasure.  No  prayer  nor  gift  could  move  him  to  bestow  on 
Fulc  the  gift  of  health.  In  a  dying  condition  the  count  was 
carried  to  the  saint's  tomb,  when  Odo  went  to  him  and  fear- 
lessly thundered,  '  Give  back,  oh  wretch,  the  vases  which  thou 
stolest,  then  only  will  St.  Martin  give  thee  back  health.'  Fulc 
obeyed,  and  straightway  was  healed.  But  to  one  of  Odo's 
temperament  it  was  not  enough  to  have  saved  the  count's  body, 
he  longed  to  save  his  soul  by  winning  him  to  dedicate  to  God 
the  life  which  had  been  miraculously  restored  to  him.  Grateful 
though  he  was,  Fulc  tliought  this  asking  too  much.  He  proposed 
a  substitute  in  his  friend  Adhegrinus,  to  whom  on  return- 
ing home  he  told  the  story  of  his  miraculous  healing.  Fired 
by  the  tale,  Adhegrinus  hastened  to  seek  the  wonder-worker, 

1  Ibid.  i.  17. 

"  Ibid.  i.  19,  Ibiqne  dialecticam  sci  Avgustini  Deodato  fiUo  missam  j)er}egit 
et  Martianum  in  liberalibus  artibus  frequenter  lectitavit. 


26  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CJ.UNY 

and  moved  by  Odo's  words  renounced  his  military  career,  gave 
his  possessions  to  the  poor,  and  shaving  his  head  dedicated 
himself  to  the  service  of  God.  His  example  was  followed  by 
several  of  his  companions,  to  whom  '  suddenly  the  world  stood 
revealed  as  a  sink  of  iniquity,  and  men  hastening  towards  the 
bottomless  hell '.  No  escape  seemed  possible  except  in  the 
monastic  life,  and  straightway  they  sought  throughout  all  Francia 
a  monastery  where  they  might  live  the  regular  life.  Unsuccess- 
ful in  their  quest  they  returned  sorrowful,  to  settle  in  the  little 
huts  which  in  their  first  religious  fervour  they  had  built.^  But 
the  soul  of  Adhegrinus  was  not  content,  and  he  resolved  to  go 
on  pilgrimage  to  Rome.  His  way  lay  through  Burgundy,  where 
he  stopped  at  the  vill  Baume,  and  received  hospitality  in  the 
monastery  of  which  Berno  was  abbot.  There  he  found  to  his 
joy  what  he  had  sought  in  Francia  in  vain,  a  monastery  where  the 
regular  life  was  lived,  and  where  he  could  be  received.  Having 
obtained  permission  to  remain  and  study  the  customs  of  the  monks, 
and  finding  tliem  all  he  could  desire,  he  made  known  the  glad 
tidings  to  Odo.  The  latter,  taking  with  him  his  library  of  a  hundred 
books  (for  he  was  a  learned  man),  at  once  set  out  for  Baume. ^ 
Difficulties  awaited  him.  Some  of  the  monks, '  whose  life  and 
morals  ',  John  severely  remarks, '  can  be  judged  by  the  following 
incident,'  came  out  to  meet  him,  and  feigning  not  to  understand 
his  purpose  in  coming  attempted  to  weaken  it.  '  Hast  thou  ', 
they  cried,  '  come  hither  for  thy  soul's  health  to  join  a  monastery 
which  we  for  our  souls'  health  have  resolved  to  flee  ?  Hast  thou 
not  heard  of  the  severity  of  Berno  ?  Alas,  alas,  if  thou  but  knew'st 
how  he  treats  the  monks.  His  corrections  he  drives  home  with 
the  whip,  and  those  whom  he  whips  he  binds  with  cords,  he  tames 
their  spirits  in  prison,  he  afflicts  them  with  fasts,  and  even  after 
suffering  all  this,  the  miserable  monks  may  not  obtain  mercy.' 

^  Ibid,  i,  22,  Non  fuit  locus  in  Franciae  finibus  ubi  audierunt  adfuisse 
monasterium  in  quo  aut  per  se  non  issent,  aut  suos  perlustratores  non  misissent 
et  non  invenientes  religionis  locum  inter  eos  in  quo  requiescere  possent. 

^  Ibid.  i.  23,  Sumptis  secum  centum  voluminibus  librorum.  .  .  .  Quia  erai 
vir  scholasticus. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  27 

Judging  from  the  austerity  of  Odo's  life  at  Tours,  this  account 
of  Berno's  severity  might  have  attracted  him,  but  this  was  not 
so,  and  trembling  he  resolved  to  flee.  At  that  moment  his 
friend  Adhegrinus  appeared,  and  vehemently  taking  up  Berno's 
defence,  denounced  the  speakers.  Then,  supported  by  his  friend, 
Odo  entered  the  monastery. 

The  friends  did  not  remain  long  together.  For  Odo  one 
phase  of  asceticism  was  past  which  for  Adhegrinus  was  yet  to 
come.  After  three  years  Adhegrinus  begged  permission  to 
follow  the  life  of  a  hermit,  and  retiring  to  a  tiny  habitation 
among  the  rocks  spent  in  solitude  and  penance  the  remaining 
thirty  years  of  his  life.  Odo  on  the  contrary  found  his  soul's 
salvation  better  to  be  attained  within  the  monastic  community. 
Having  thus  brought  him  to  the  haven  where  he  would  be,  and 
where  he  was  to  pass  the  next  fifteen  years  of  his  life,  we  may, 
like  the  author  of  the  Vita,  turn  to  consider  some  of  the  customs 
of  Baunie  which  later  were  followed  at  Cluny. 

Unfortunately  the  author  of  the  Vita  gives  little  information 
about  those  customs,  and  much  of  what  he  tells  is  concerned 
with  what  now  seem  trivial  details.  One  important  fact  he 
does  mention,  that  Adhegrinus  found  the  monks  of  Baume 
following  the  precepts  of  a  certain  father  whom  they  called 
Euticus.^  The  account  of  the  latter  points  unmistakeably  to 
Benedict  of  Aniane. 

Benedict  of  Aniane  did  not  regard  the  Benedictine  rule  as 
rigid,  but  modified  it  as  he  thought  fitting.  In  what  was  the 
chief  duty  of  Benedictine  life,  the  opus  Dei,  the  monks  of  Baume 
followed  his  adaptation  of  the  rule,  i.e.  the  number  of  psalms 
and  prayers  to  be  said  and  sung  were  increased.  At  Baunie 
daily  138  psalms  were  sung,  though  the  number  was  later  reduced 

^  Ibid.  i.  23,  Fvit  isdem  vir  temporibns  LtidoHci  maqni  imperatoris  carus 
regi,  omnibns  amabilis  .  .  .  in  tavto  amore  apud  regem  li-abitus  vt  intra  palatium. 
illi  construeret  monasterium  .  .  .  ipse  enim  pater  Euticus  inMitutor  fuit  haruvi 
cons^ieAudinum  quae  Jmctenus  in  nostril  tnonasteriis  liabentut,-^"^     \ 

^  v-c?   OF  , 

BT,    MICH  ...u.'i 

COLLtGfe  y    ^y 


28  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

by  14  because  some  weak  souls  objected  that  it  was  not  fitting 
for  the  number  of  psalms  to  exceed  that  of  prayers.  During 
the  octaves  of  Christmas  and  Easter  only  75  psalms  daily 
were  sung.  Every  day  also  two  masses  were  said  and 
two  litanies  sung.^  The  same  division  was  later  followed  at 
Cluny.  The  rule  of  prescribed  hours  of  silence  that  obtained  at 
Baume  was  also  followed  at  Cluny.  At  certain  hours  which 
were  called  '  incompetent '  no  one  dared  speak  within  the 
cloisters,  nor  walk  with  another  brother.  In  certain  penitential 
seasons  no  one  was  allowed  to  speak  except  at  the  chapter. ^  In 
the  last  week  of  Advent  and  in  Holy  Week  the  deepest  silence 
reigned  day  and  night.  On  the  vigil  of  a  saint  the  abbot  had 
the  right  of  imposing  silence.  During  prolonged  periods  of 
silence  the  monks  either  spoke  with  their  fingers,  or  made  signs 
with  their  eyes.  By  these  means  they  could  supply  themselves 
with  every  necessary  of  daily  life.  According  to  John  the  life 
of  a  monk  is  edifying  only  if  he  has  practised  silence.  '  Without 
that  whatever  his  other  virtues,  even  if  he  follow  all  the  institu- 
tions of  the  fathers,  his  life  is  nothing  worth.'  ^ 

A  third  point  in  which  Benedict  of  Aniane's  modification  of 
the  rule  was  followed  was  in  still  further  increasing  the  powers 
of  the  abbot  *  and  reducing  those  of  the  monk.  The  latter  had 
to  give  up  his  own  will,  and  in  every  trifle  submit  himself  to  his 
abbot.  This  was  carried  to  such  an  extent  that  it  has  been  said 
that  whereas  the  first  Benedict  taught  the  monk  to  be  humble, 
the  second  made  him  cringe.  At  Baume  the  monk  when  accused 
of  a  fault  threw  himself  prostrate  at  the  feet  of  the  abbot  without 
attempting  any  justification.  This  grace  of  excessive  humility 
was  one  in  which  Odo  excelled,  to  the  deep  admiration  of  his 
biographer,  John.   One  night,  in  what  was  a  case  of  necessity,  Odo 

1  Ibid.  i.  22.  ^  j^i^  j  31 

^  There  were  many  other  points  which  unfortunately  John  did  not  insert, 

being  afraid  of  wearying  the  reader. 

*  Butler  in  his  Benedictine  Monachism  points  out  that  the  first  Benedict 

vested  the  sole  power  over  the  monastery  in  the  abbot  who  had  full  patriarchal 

powers  (p.  217  et  seq.). 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  29 

as  magister  scJiolae  transgressed  the  rule  by  which  he  should  not 
have  been  alone  with  one  of  the  oblati.  Delighted  to  have  caught 
him  trii)ping,  several  of  the  monks  accused  him  publicly  in  the 
chapter.  Odo,  attempting  no  excuse,  rose  and  threw  himself 
prostrate  before  Berno,  who  marvelling  at  his  humility,  yet 
wishing  to  try  hira  further,  feigned  deep  indignation  and  con- 
demned him  to  '  excommunication '.  Not  even  then  did  Odo 
seek  to  urge  the  extenuating  circumstance,  but  in  a  passion  of 
still  greater  humility  prostrated  himself  before  each  of  his 
accusers  in  turn,  praying  them  to  seek  his  pardon.  After  this 
he  was  dearer  than  ever  to  Berno. 

A  charming  story  illustrates  Odo's  humility  and  at  the  same 
time  one  of  the  customs  of  Baume.  During  refection,  one  of  the 
monks  read  aloud  to  his  fellows  till  stopped  at  the  end  of  the 
meal  by  a  sign  from  the  abbot.^  Before  this  moment  each 
monk  had  carefully  to  collect  and  eat  his  crumbs.  Now  among 
the  moiiiks  there  was  one — i.e.  Odo — who  always  listened  to  the 
reading  with  such  rapt  attention  that  frequently  he  forgot  to 
eat,  for  before  the  spiritual  food  the  earthly  lost  its  savour. 
One  day  he  was  so  engrossed  that  he  forgot  all  about  his  crumbs. 
Full  of  remorse  he  did  not  know  what  to  do,  for  after  refection 
the  monks  went  straight  to  chapel.  He  hastily  collected  the 
crumbs,  joined  in  the  prayers,  and  after  chapel  threw  himself 
prostrate  before  Berno.  Asked  in  what  he  had  sinned  he 
stretched  forth  his  hand  full  of  the  crumbs,  which  in  that  very 
moment  were  changed  to  pearls  !  Great  was  the  admiration 
and  amazement  of  the  brothers.  The  practical  Berno  ordered 
the  pearls  to  be  made  into  church  ornaments. 

The  rule  about  the  crumbs  was  evidently  considered  very 
important.  A  monk  on  his  deathbed  was  heard  to  call  despair- 
ingly for  help.  He  had  seen  himself  before  the  judgement  seat, 
where  the  devil,  holding  a  little  sack  full  of  all  the  crumbs 
he  had  neglected  to  eat,  stood  ready  to  accuse  him.     Twice 

^  Ibid,  i,  35.     A  change  in  the  rule  due  to  the  second  Benedict.    Originally 
the  abbot  took  his  meals  with  the  guests,  but  this  was  found  impracticable. 


30  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

with  a  terrible  cry  the  wretched  monk  shrieked,  '  Do  ye  not 
see,  do  ye  not  see  that  the  devil  with  the  sack  is  standing  among 
you  ?  '  then  fortifying  himself  with  the  sign  of  the  cross  he  fell 
back  dead.  This  dramatic  end  made  a  deep  impression  on  the 
brothers.     Ever  after  the  crumbs  were  carefully  collected  by  all.^ 

Odo  also  laid  great,  stress  on  two  other  points  which  Berno 
before  him  evidently  tried  hard  to  enforce,  (1)  that  no  private 
property  should  be  held  by  the  monks,^  and  (2)  that  no  flesh 
meat  should  be  eaten.  When  he  entered  Baume  the  monks  could 
not  believe  that  he  had  renounced  all  his  earthly  possessions,  and 
sent  hira  forth  with  one  of  their  number  to  fetch  them.  As  a 
judgement  the  monk  accompanying  him  fell  ill  and  died. 

To  Odo  the  eating  of  meat  was  the  cause  of  all  fleshly  lusts. 
Two  stories  from  his  lips  showed  what  direful  punishment 
would  overtake  the  monk  who  was  disobedient  on  this  point. 
A  monk  on  a  visit  to  his  sister,  when  offered  fish,  said  he  was 
sick  of  fish  and  demanded  flesh  and  wine  instead.  When  this 
was  served  he  joyfully  sat  down  to  eat.  His  joy  was  short- 
lived, for  unable  either  to  eject  or  swallow  his  first  mouthful, 
'  he  lost ',  as  John  quaintly  puts  it,  '  both  food  and  life '.  ^ 
Another  monk  on  a  visit  home  was  annoyed  to  find  no  food 
ready.  His  relatives  refused  to  be  browbeaten  and  explained 
that  it  was  not  dinner-time,  whereupon  the  monk  replied  that 
he  had  not  ridden  all  night  on  duty  to  be  forced  at  the  end  to 
fast.  To  appease  him  he  was  offered  fish,  which  incensed  him 
the  more.  Seeing  at  his  feet  a  brood  of  chickens,  he  snatched 
one  up  and  cried,  '  Let  this  be  my  fish  to-day.'  When  his 
friends  asked  in  surprise  if  he  had  a  dispensation  to  eat  flesh, 
he  casuistically  explained,    '  Fowl  is  not  flesh,  and   fowl  and 

1  Ibid.  i.  31. 

2  The  first  St.  Benedict  regarded  this  as  of  the  utmost  importance.  The 
holding  of  private  property  was  to  him  the  worst  of  vices  {nequissimum  viliiim). 
The  monk  was  to  have  nothing  of  his  own,  and  on  taking  vows  was  to  give  his 
possessions  to  the  poor,  or  make  them  over  to  his  monastery.  In  practice, 
however,  this  was  found  very  difficult.  Odo,  like  Pachomius,  foresaw  the  ruin 
of  monasticism  from  the  holding  of  private  property. 

3  Ibid.  iii.  3. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  31 

fish  have  one  origin  and  equal  condition,  as  our  hymn  bears 
witness.'  Then  when  the  chicken  was  placed  before  him,  he 
snatched  up  a  bone.  But  he  too  was  unable  to  swallow,  and 
after  being  unmercifully  cudgelled  by  the  onlookers  he  died.^ 

During  the  fifteen  or  sixteen  years  that  Odo  remained  at 
Baume  his  life  probably  passed  in  the  quiet  routine  of  con- 
templation and  prayer  ;  but  not  in  idleness,  for  in  a  tantalisingly 
short  sentence  John  explains  that  on  his  arrival  at  Baume, 
'  being  a  learned  man,  he  was  made  schoolmaster  '.^  No 
further  information  is  given  about  the  Sckola.  The  pupils  were 
boys  probably  living  at  the  monastery  (oblati),  and  some  of 
the  monks.     At  that  time  Odo  was  thirty  years  old.^ 

Peaceful  as  the  life  was,  friction  was  not  lacking.  Odo's 
virtues  made  him  a  prominent  figure  among  the  brethren,  and 
this,  joined  to  the  fact  that  he  was  especially  beloved  by  Berno, 
aroused  the  animosity  of  the  reactionary  party,  those  monks  who 
found  Berno's  discipline  too  severe,  and  who  had  tried  to  keep 
Odo  from  entering  the  monastery.  '  The  head  of  this  pest ' 
was  Wido.  He  with  his  followers  did  not  cease  to  oppose  Odo, 
and  to  hurl  false  accusations  and  insults  at  his  head.  Each 
instigated  the  other  to  tempt  him,  even  though  half  afraid  that 
they  might  themselves  be  the  sufferers,  if  Odo,  more  learned 
than  they,  should  refuse  to  teach  them.  Wido,  however,  knew 
his  man  well,  and  assured  his  followers  that  Odo  would  bear 
these  and  worse  injuries  without  any  attempt  at  retaliation. 
His  only  weapon  against  his  persecutors  was  patience,  and  never 

^  Ibid.  St.  Benedict  forbade  the  eating  of  flesh  meat  to  all  except  the  sick. 
But  it  was  always  a  disputed  point  whether  fowl  was  to  be  classed  with  meat, 
or  with  fish  as  in  Genesis.      Cf.  also  the  hymn — 

Magnae  DeuH  potent ine 
Qui  ex  aqiiis  ortum  genus 
Pnrtim  remittis  gurgiii 
Partim  levas  in  aera. 

^  Ibid.  i.  23,  Nam  patri  Odoni  quia  erat  vir  scholasticus,  laboriosum  scholae 
unposuerufit  magisierium.  By  the  Capitulary  of  817  Benedict  laid  down  that 
there  should  be  no  schools  for  outside  pupils  in  the  monasteries  of  Francia, 
but  only  for  boys  belonging  to  the  monastery. 

""  Ibid.  i.  33. 


32  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

attempting  justification  he  flung  himself,  at  each  new  trial, 
seeking  pardon  at  their  feet.  '  This  he  did  not  from  timidity, 
but  from  brotherly  love,  in  the  hope  that  by  his  patience  he 
might  correct  those  whom  he  saw  incurring  the  divine  vengeance. 
Checked  they  were,  yet  ever  like  running  water  they  returned 
to  their  evil  ways,  persecuting  him  whom  they  ought  to  have 
imitated.'  After  Berno's  death  these  monks  returned  to  the 
world  and  came  to  a  bad  end  ! 

Apart  from  this  ill-will  Odo  must  have  passed  his  days  in 
p6ace  and  quiet.  Yet  he  could  not  be  happy  when  he  thought 
of  his  parents  still  enmeshed  in  the  snares  of  the  world.  Having 
obtained  permission  from  Berno  he  sought  out  his  father,  and 
persuaded  him  to  enter  a  monastery.  His  mother  took  the  veil, 
and  later  became  an  eminent  abbess.  His  brother  Bernard  ^  also 
took  vows  after  his  infant  son  (still  unbaptized)  had  been  carried 
off  by  the  Northmen.  Miraculously  saved  and  restored  to  Odo's 
arms,  in  them  the  child  was  baptized  and  died.^ 

The  name  of  Odo's  mother  recalled  to  John  a  story  which 
illustrated  Odo's  feeling  about  monasticism.  Once  when  absent 
from  the  monastery  he  stayed  at  the  house  of  a  nobleman  who 
was  away  from  home,  but  whose  daughter  watched  him  all 
evening  eager  to  learn  about  his  life.  At  night  she  came  to  him 
secretly,  and  falling  at  his  feet  begged  him  to  save  her  from  her 
approaching  marriage.  Odo  did  not  know  what  to  do,  knowing 
he  would  be  answerable  to  God  for  the  girl's  soul,  yet  foreseeing 
the  scandal  if  he,  a  monk,  dared  to  take  her  away.  Finally, 
'  overcome  by  the  love  of  God  and  the  girl's  sobs  ',  he  rode  into 


1  Bruel,  i.  584.  Bernardus  gave  Cluny  a  church  near  Lyons :  Pro  remedio 
anime  mee  el  amite  mee,  et  fratris  mei  Odonis  abbatis. 

^  Vila  Joanne,  ii.  16.  A  pilgrim  stojDping  at  the  monastery  where  John 
wrote,  probably  Salerno,  on  his  way  to  Jerusalem  long  after  told  the  story. 
The  Normans  when  devastating  the  land  round  Tours  carried  off  the  child  and 
his  nurse  eight  days'  journey  from  Tours,  and  across  a  river  too  deep  to  cross 
except  by  boat.  There  seemed  no  hope  of  escape.  Yet  the  nurse  passed  through 
the  ranks  of  the  enemy,  crossed  the  river,  and  in  three  days  reached  Tours,  having 
suffered  neither  hunger,  thirst,  nor  fatigue.  Odo  baptized  the  child  and  prayed 
it  might  die. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  33 

the  night,  ordering  the  servants  to  follow  with  the  girl.     Next 
day  he  left  her  in  an  oratory  near  Baume,^  '  where  noble  women 
were  wont  to  come  for  prayer  '.     When  he  told  Berno,  the  abbot 
rebuked  him  for  having  dared  to  act  on  his  own  initiative. 
Prostrate  on  the  ground,  and  clasping  Berno's  feet,  Odo  besought 
pardon.     Only   after   reiterated    questioning   would    he   defend 
himself,  saying  :    '  Oh  lord  and  father,  ever  from  the  moment 
that  thou  didst  deign  to  receive  me,  a  sinner,  I  have  seen  that 
thy  sole  care  was  the  saving  of  souls.     Other  abbots  may  study 
to  gain  material  things  and  please  men.     Thou,  relying  on  mercy 
and  virtue,  seek'st  through  the  salvation  of  souls  to  please  God 
alone.     I  wished  to  follow  thy  example  in  saving  this  virgin 
to  the  glory  of  thy  name.     For  although  in  the  end  her  tears 
overcame  me,  yet  I  was  not  unmindful  of  thy  reproach,  but  I 
had  rather  suffer  the  flagellation  of  my  holy  father  than  be  held 
guilty  for  her  soul.     And  would  that  I  could  free  all  the  women 
bound  in  the  chains  of  the  flesh  who  live  in  this  province,  and 
thou  flagellate  me  for  each  in  thy  pious  manner.'  ^     Thus  he 
turned  aside  the  anger  of  Berno,  who  exhorted  him  to  strengthen 
the  girl  daily  in  holy  instruction,  lest  tempted  by  the  devil  she 
returned  to  the  world.     This  Odo  did,  and  a  few  days  later 
took  her  to  a  convent  near,  where  not  long  after  she  died  :  saved, 
as  was  evident  to  all,  for  St.  Paul  himself  came  to  receive  her  soul. 
The  next  event  of  importance  in  Odo's  life  was  his  ordination 
to  the  priesthood.     Knowing  that  in  his  humility  he  would  con- 
sider himself  unworthy,  Berno  asked  bishop  Turpio  of  Limoges 
to  ordain  him,   without  telling  Odo  of  his  intention.     When 
the  bishop  arrived,  Odo  was  commanded  on  his  obedience  as  a 
monk  to  receive  ordination.     So  unworthy  did  he  feel  himself, 

^  Mabillon,  Ann.  v.  p.  08.  There  were  two  convents  for  women  near 
Baume.  one  founded  by  8t.  Ronianiis,  and  situated  near  the  Jura  mountains, 
the  other  near  the  river  Doubs,  in  the  mountains  of  Besan -on.  Odo  refers  to 
one  of  tliem  in  the  Colhttionc^,  iii.  21,  when  telling  of  the  ]mnishment  which 
overtook  two  of  tlie  nuns  tliere  who  returned  to  the  world.  J)u(iv  sdnrlinioniahs 
de  nionaMerio  pucUano)!  quod  iuxin  xo.stnoii  Bnhna  situm  est. 

-  To  Odo  as  to  Augustine  marriage  itself  was  wrong.  Coll.  ii.  204,  Si  ergo 
lanta  est  culpa  in  coniugali  concubitu  ut  infans  pro  ilia  sola  puniri  debcot.  .  .  . 

D 


34  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

that  awakening  that  night  and  feeling  the  priest's  stole  round 
his  neck,  he  gave  himself  up  to  lamentation,  and  for  long  through 
his  excessive  humility  could  scarcely  summon  up  courage  to  go 
beyond  the  gates  of  the  monastery.  Pitying  his  misery,  Berno 
sent  him  to  Limoges  on  a  visit  to  bishop  Turpio,  a  visit  which  led 
to  the  writing  of  his  second  book.  One  day  when  he  and  the 
bishop  were  discussing  the  evil  condition  of  the  church,  Odo 
taking  Jeremiah  as  his  inspiration  spoke  with  such  sombre 
eloquence  that  the  bishop  begged  him  to  write  his  words  down. 
When  Odo  objected  that  he  could  not  write  without  first 
obtaining  his  abbot's  consent,  Turpio  himself  went  to  Baume 
to  obtain  it.     The  result  was  the  Collationes?- 

Thus  in  teaching,  in  study,  and  in  prayer,  Odo's  life  at 
Baume  passed.  He  entered  the  monastery  when  he  was  thirty. 
Fifteen  or  sixteen  years  later,  Berno,  feeling  his  strength  fail, 
summoned  the  neighbouring  bishops  to  Baume,  and  divested 
himself  of  '  that  office  of  which  he  a  sinner  had  been  unworthy  '. 
Then  he  ordered  the  monks  to  freely  choose  an  abbot.  With 
one  accord  they  named  Odo,  whom  resisting  they  dragged  before 
Berno.  So  passionately  did  he  declare  himself  unworthy,  that 
it  required  the  bishop's  threat  of  '  excommunication  '  to  make 
him  accept  the  office.     Soon  after  Berno  died  (c.  927). 

Whatever  the  contradiction  of  authorities  as  to  the  origins 
of  Cluny,  this  fact  at  least  is  clear,  that  the  monastery,  as  yet 
unfinished,  came  under  the  headship  of  the  most  eminent  and 
virtuous  monk  of  Baume.  The  seniores  followed  liim,^  i.e. 
probably  those  monks  who  had  supported  Berno  in  his  efforts 
to  uphold  discipline.  Henceforth  while  Cluny  was  to  increase, 
Baume  was  to  decrease.  The  contrast  between  the  histories  of 
the  two  monasteries  shows  how  much  Cluny  owed  to  the  per- 
sonality of  her  second  abbot. 

^   Vita  Joanne,  i.   37,    Tres  libellos  composuit  ex  Jeremie  vaticinio  quorum 
textus  per  diver sas  ecclesias  est  translatus. 

^  Ibid,,  ii.  1,  Secuti  sunt  autem  eum  seniores  loci  illius. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  35 

Much  of  Odo's  success  may  be  attributed  to  the  fact  that  he 
entered  on  his  work  as  no  young  unbalanced  monk,  but  as  a  man 
tried  and  trained  in  the  discipline  of  life.  Probably  to  that 
fact  may  be  attributed  his  following  the  principle  of  moderation 
which  so  largely  contributed  to  the  monastery's  success  ;  a 
principle  befitting  the  times,  in  which,  owing  to  the  almost  entire 
disappearance  of  monastic  life,  and  the  consequent  licence,  any 
attempt  at  discipline,  however  moderate,  was  resented.  Almost 
fifty  when  he  became  sole  abbot  of  Cluny,  and  having  passed 
through  a  phase  of  severe  asceticism  at  Tours,  he  was  able  to 
judge  the  evils  as  well  as  the  merits  of  excessive  devotion,  in  this 
resembling  the  first  Benedict. 

Apart  from  the  personal  character  of  her  abbot,  there  seemed 
to  be  few  factors  working  for  Cluny's  future  greatness.  The 
abbey  was  poor,  and  in  a  land  to  which  many  relics  had  been 
brought  for  safety,  possessed  none  to  attract  popular  fervour. 
Nevertheless  in  four  years,  thanks  to  the  exceptional  ability  and 
deep  spirituality  of  her  abbot,  Cluny  had  become  known  as  a 
reforming  centre.  A  great  future  clearly  lay  before  her.  For 
that  future  her  geographical  position  was  in  her  favour.  She 
lay  in  the  shelter  of  gently  swelling  hills,  in  a  part  of  Burgundy 
into  which  neither  Normans,  Huns,  nor  Saracens  seem  to  have 
penetrated.  She  lay  near  one  of  the  pilgrim  routes  to  Rome 
and  near  the  highways  of  the  Saone  and  the  Rhone.  More  favour- 
able still  was  her  position  for  developing  her  principle  of  monastic 
autonomy,  situated  as  she  was  in  a  part  of  Burgundy  where 
independence  was  possible.  For  there  the  authority  of  both 
Frankish  king  and  Teutonic  emperor  was  negligible,  what 
semblance  of  power  the  one  possessed  being  neutralised  by  the 
other.  Cluny  conveniently  distant  from  both  was  practically 
independent  of  either.  Nor  had  she  anything  to  fear  from  the 
dukes  of  Burgundy,  who  at  this  time  were  occupied  in  holding 
back  the  incursions  of  the  barbarians.  Besides  there  was  no 
reason  why  any  of  the  three  powers  should  have  troubled  about 
the  small,  insignificant,  poverty-stricken  monastery,  and  Cluny 


36  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

was  left  free  to  develop.  Her  greatest  struggle  for  independence, 
that  against  the  attempted  domination  ^f  her  diocesan,  the 
bishop  of  Macon,  came  after  Odo's  death. 

Odo's  first  care  at  Cluny  was  to  go  on  with  the  building  of 
the  monastery.  Even  after  the  work  was  well  in  hand  the  monks 
saw  themselves  threatened  with  disaster  through  lack  of  funds. 
Neither  from  Baume  nor  from  Gigny  was  help  to  be  expected. 
Gloom  settled  at  Cluny.  Not  in  vain,  however,  had  been  Odo's 
fervour  in  the  cult  of  St.  Martin.  On  the  festival  of  that  saint, 
a  day  ever  to  be  celebrated  with  special  honours  at  Cluny,  Odo 
after  morning  celebration  saw  a  venerable  old  man  regarding 
the  unfinished  building.  His  examination  finished,  the  old  man 
informed  the  enraptured  abbot  that  he  was  St.  Martin  himself, 
come  to  tell  the  monks  that  if  they  persevered  and  their  courage 
did  not  fail,  he  would  see  that  necessary  funds  were  sent  to  them  ! 
A  few  days  after,  3000  solidi  were  brought  as  a  gift  from  '  Gothia  ' 
to  Cluny,  a  sum  sufficient  to  avert  disaster  and  allow  the  monks 
to  continue  their  labours. ^  Another  wonder  marked  the  com- 
pletion of  their  work.  When  the  monks  had  finished  the  oratory, 
they  asked  the  neighbouring  bishop  to  consecrate  it.  On  the 
appointed  day,  having  either  forgotten  or  not  having  realised 
the  poverty  of  the  brothers,  the  bishop  was  seen  approaching 
w^th  many  followers.  Having  no  provisions  to  feed  so  many 
the  monks  were  in  despair,  when  a  huge  animal  emerged  from  the 
forest,  and  came  near  the  church  door,  upon  which — a  realistic 
touch — the  guardian  incontinently  fled  !  Quietly  and  peace- 
ably the  animal  rubbed  itself  against  the  door,  and  remained  there 
till  the  bishop  arrived,  when  it  offered  itself  a  willing  sacrifice 
for  the  needs  of  the  brothers.  They  with  fervent  thanks  to 
God  were  enabled  sumptuously  to  feast  their  guests. ^ 

Apart  from  the  poverty  of  the  abbey  Odo  at  first  met  with 
other  difficulties.     As  an  old  man  he  warned  John  of  the  many 

1  Ibid.  ii.  2. 

-  Ibid.  ii.  3.     In  some  of  the  manuscripts  the  animal  is  called  a  boar,  in 
others  simply  imrnane,  probably  to  heighten  the  effect. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  37 

trials  to  his  patience  which  he,  as  abbot,  must  expect.  '  This 
he  made  clear,  by  telling  of  all  he  himself  had  suffered  from  his 
monks  when  he  first  became  abbot,  but  as  all  of  them  since  then 
have  become  eminent  for  their  holiness  and  sanctity  of  life,  it 
would  ill  beseem  me  to  dwell  on  their  earlier  faults.'  ^  Never- 
theless from  the  beginning  Cluny  flourished  under  Odo's  fostering 
care,  and  in  927  he  obtained  for  it  a  royal  charter  from  Rudolf 
of  Burgundy,  king  of  the  Franks. ^ 

How  essential  in  his  eyes  the  principle  of  the  monastery's 
autonomy  was,  is  seen  from  the  fact  that  almost  the  whole  of 
the  charter  is  occupied  with  that  point.  The  preamble  reca- 
pitulated how  duke  William  of  Acjuitaine  had  founded  Cluny 
{per  manus  Bernonis  construxit),  had  under  a  great  and  terrible 
oath  freed  it  from  all  secular  domination  and  subjected  it  to 
Rome  alone,  '  for  protection  not  domination  '.^  Therefore 
Rudolf  the  king,  rejoicing  over  the  work  and  favouring  the  con- 
stitution, proclaimed  that,  according  to  William's  testament, 
Cluny  was  freed  from  the  interference  and  absolved  from  the 
authority  of  kings,  princes,  relatives  of  William,  and  all  men 
whomsoever.  What  property  the  monastery  possessed,  or  in 
the  future  would  possess,  was  to  be  held  without  let  or  hindrance. 
No  one  was  to  take  away  its  serfs  or  freemen.*  The  monks  were 
not  to  pay  tolls  in  the  markets.  In  cases  where  they  held  part  of 
woods  or  of  ploughed  land,  they  only  were  to  receive  terraticum. 
They  could  have  tenths  from  demesne  land  for  hospitality.^ 
Alfracta  was  to  be  theirs  with  an  alod,  serfs,  and  a  manor. 
Other  two  alods  which  they  had  received  were  to  be  held  in 

1  Ibid.  ii.  7. 

-  Bruel,  i.  285.  The  charter  begins  : — As  it  is  certain  that  God  will  not 
cast  away  the  powerful  without  whom  there  would  be  no  power,  so  it  is  certain 
that  He  will  inquire  about  their  works.  Therefore  it  behoves  the  king  to  do 
good  especially  to  holy  church  and  thus  to  work  with  God,  and  win  eternal 
reward. 

•*  Ibid.,  Ab  omni  secular i  dominatu  libennn  sub  magna  et  terribili  adiuratione 
fecit.    Apostolicae  sedi  ad  tuendum  non  ad  dominandum  subligavit. 

*  Ibid.,  Homines  eorum  liberos  ac  servos  nemo  .  .  .  distringat. 

*  Ibid.,  Decimas  siias  indominicatas  ad  hospitale  habeant. 


38  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

perpetuity.  After  Odo's  death  they  were  freely  to  elect  their 
new  abbot,  and  the  monastery  to  continue  in  that  order  and 
administration  which  William  had  laid  down. 

The  reform  which  Berno  had  begun,  Odo  not  only  carried  out 
at  Cluny  but  extended  to  other  houses.  By  930  he  reformed 
Romainmoutier,  Tulle,  and  Aurillac,  and  in  930  the  old  and  far- 
famed  monastery  of  Fleury. 


CHAPTER  IV 


FLEURY 


Fleury  was  at  one  time  the  most  distinguished  monastery  of 
Gaul,  its  renown  arising  from  the  fact  that  the  bones  of  St. 
Benedict  had  been  translated  to  it  from  Monte  Cassino.  Hence 
its  name,  for  on  the  arrival  of  the  relics,  though  it  was  autumn 
the  ground  around  the  monastery  burst  into  flowers. 

By  the  tenth  century  Fleury  had  fallen  from  its  high  estate. 
Just  because  its  reputation  for  holiness  had  been  so  high  the 
scandal  was  the  greater  when  the  lives  of  its  monks  became 
a  byword  for  infamy.  '  After  the  end  of  the  persecutions  of 
the  Northmen  alas  !  though  the  bodies  of  the  monks  were 
reunited  at  Fleury,  their  souls  were  in  a  divided  state,  and  the 
monastery  fell  into  evil  ways.'  At  last  St.  Benedict  himself 
intervened.  Appearing  one  day  to  a  certain  brother  he  told 
him  that,  horrified  at  the  conduct  of  the  monks,  he  was  leaving 
Fleury,  but  would  return  bringing  from  Aquitaine  a  man  after 
his  own  heart. ^  Here  was  an  opportunity  for  amendment  if 
the  monks  had  betaken  themselves  to  penitence  and  prayer. 
Instead  they  rushed  round  the  countryside  on  horseback,  in 
the  hope  of  finding  the  saint,  and  forcing  him  to  return.  Failing 
in  their  quest  they  jeered  and  mocked  at  the  visionary. 

Retribution  swiftly  fell  on  them,  for  count  Elisardus,  the 
famous  warrior,  '  hearing  of  their  infamous  life  asked  and 
received  the  monastery  from  Rudolf,  king  of  the  Franks,  which 
he  begged  Odo  to  reform'.  With  his  customary  zeal  Odo, 
accompanied  by  several  monks,  a  bishop,  two  counts,  and  two 
of  the  chief  men  of  the  district,  at  once  set  out  for  Fleury.     On 

^    Vita  Joanne,  iii.  8. 
39 


40  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

his  arrival  he  found  the  monks  j)repared  for  resistance,  ready  to 
die  rather  tlian  let  any  man  enter.  Several  of  them  armed  with 
spears  and  swords  guarded  the  approach  to  the  monastery. 
Others  hurled  down  stones  from  the  roof.  Notwithstanding 
this  brave  array  there  was  division  among  them.  '  Alas,  alas,' 
they  cried,  '  why  did  we  not  believe  the  story  of  our  brother  ? 
All  things  that  he  told  us  have  come  true,  for  is  not  this  Odo  of 
Aquitaine  ?  And  did  we  not  suspect  that  it  was  he  of  whom 
St.  Benedict  spoke  ?  Why  did  we  not  take  the  initiative,  and 
send  to  him,  or  invite  him  of  our  own  accord  ?  '  Only  one  of  the 
monks,  Wulfaldus,  kept  his  head,  and  seized  on  the  one  point 
which  could  justify  his  companions,  and  put  the  newcomers  in 
the  wrong.  He  appealed  to  the  royal  charters,^  by  which  the 
abbey  had  been  exempted  from  outside  control,  and  granted 
priority  over  all  other  monasteries.  How  then  dared  the 
upstart  Odo  touch  its  rights  ?  Odo  could  only  reply  that  he 
came  peaceably,  with  no  desire  to  injure  any  one's  rights  or 
person,  and  simply  to  correct  irregularities. ^ 

Against  this  the  monks  protested,  and  threatened  to  murder 
him.  For  three  days  intermediaries  went  to  and  fro,  and  matters 
were  at  a  deadlock,  till  Odo  took  the  decision  into  his  own  hands. 
Without  telling  his  companions  he  mounted  an  ass,  and  rode 
alone  towards  the  monastery.  When  his  intention  dawned  on 
his  terrified  companions,  the  bishop  and  the  others  ran  after 
him,  calling,  '  Whither  goest  thou,  father  ?  Dost  thou  not  know 
that  they  are  ready  to  slay  thee  ?  nay,  that  at  the  very  moment 
thev  see  thee,  thou  shalt  die  the  death  ?  Dost  thou  then  seek  to 
cause  them  joy,  and  us  inconsolable  grief  ?  '  But  not  thus  was 
Odo  to  be  stopped,  for  the  just  man  like  the  lion  is  without  fear. 
And  what  seemed  a  miracle  happened.  At  his  approach  the 
heart  of  his  enemies  was  changed.     With  one  accord  they  threw 

1  Ibid.    iii.    8,     Precepta  regalia   in   quibvs   continebahir   ut   nulli    ex    alia 
congregatione  ullo  unquam  tempore  liceret  eiusdem  loci  prioratum  subire. 

2  Ibid.,   Pacifice  veni  ut  neminem  laedam  nvlli  noceam  sed  ut  incorrectos 
regulariter  corrigam. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  41 

away  their  weapons,  and  embraced  his  feet.  Great  was  the  joy 
that  day. 

Odo  then  took  over  the  direction  of  the  monastery  and 
remained  alone  at  Fleury,  while  his  friends  returned  home.  He 
found  it  no  easy  task  to  carry  out  the  reform,  for  though  an  out- 
burst of  emotion  had  thrown  the  monks  at  his  feet,  in  the  '  daily 
round,  the  common  task ',  they  were  not  so  ready  to  remain 
there.  He  met  with  stubborn  resistance  to  the  two  first  principles 
of  his  reform,  that  no  private  possessions  should  be  held  within 
the  monastery,  and  that  no  flesh  meat  should  be  eaten.  Rather 
than  share  all  things  in  common  the  monks  preferred  to  squander 
their  possessions  on  profligates,  or  to  bestow  them  on  friends 
outside  the  monastery. 

Over  the  second  point,  the  giving  up  of  flesh  meat,  Odo  had 
foreseen  difficulties,  and  had  come  provided  with  large  supplies 
of  fish.  But  the  monks  laid  their  heads  together,  and  over- 
coming their  aversion  to  that  article  of  diet,  eagerly  devoured 
Odo's  store,  so  that  he  would  be  faced  with  the  alternative, 
of  letting  them  starve,  or  return  to  the  eating  of  meat.  Every 
day,  with  malicious  eyes,  they  watched  Odo's  dwindling  supplies, 
rejoicing  beforehand  in  his  dilemma  when  he  should  find  himself 
outwitted.  But  they  had  not  reckoned  with  his  unquestioning 
obedience  to  the  Gospel  precept,  '  Take  no  thought  for  the 
morrow  '  ;  and  no  shade  of  annoyance  nor  doubt  crossed  his 
serene  face.  '  Intrepid  in  faith,  secure  in  hope,  and  fortified  in 
charity,'  he  knew  that  God  would  provide.  And  indeed  St. 
lienedict  intervened.  Appearing  to  Odo  he  promised  to  send  a 
hundred  solidi  to  Fleury,  and  later  such  quantity  of  provisions, 
that  for  long  the  needs  of  the  monks  would  be  supplied. 

Considering  the  circumstances  in  which  the  reform  had  been 
carried  out,  it  is  not  surprising  that  doubts  as  to  its  permanency 
were  entertained,  and  that  Odo  was  glad  to  have  behind  him  the 
support  of  the  temporal  power.  This  he  had  from  Hugh,  duke 
of  the  Franks,  a  fact  stated  in  the  papal  charter  of  938,  when 
Leo  VII.,  confirming  the  privileges   of  Fleury,  referred   to  the 


42  THE  MONASTEKY  OF  CLUNY 

reform,  which  he  heard  had  been  carried  through  by  Odo,  and 
Hiigh.^  The  pope  threatened  with  the  anathema,  monks  or 
other  persons  who  by  creating  disturbances  over  the  election 
of  the  abbot,  or  by  attacking  the  property  of  the  monastery,  or 
by  seeking  to  seduce  the  monks  from  their  new  way  of  life  ^ 
showed  themselves  inimical  to  the  monastery's  true  interests. 
Fleury  was  to  be  under  no  power  except  the  king's.  Neither 
he  nor  any  other  prince  was  to  give  it  to  bishop,  canon,  layman 
or  other  abbot  ad  dominandum.  Five  months  before,  writing 
to  the  bishops  of  Lyons,  Bourges,  Sens  and  Rheims,  Leo  expressed 
his  sorrow  over  the  iniquity  of  the  times  and  the  decline  of  religion, 
but  his  joy  over  the  reform  of  Fleury,  the  work  of  Odo  and  his 
monks. 

The  reform  of  so  eminent  a  monastery  aroused  great  expect- 
ations. '  It  is  our  hope,'  the  pope  wrote,  '  that  if  religious 
observance  flourishes  again  in  that  monastery,  the  head  and  chief 
of  monasteries,  others  as  members  may  also  revive.'  ^  On  the 
whole  this  hope  was  fulfilled,  and  Fleury  not  only  recovered  its 
old  reputation  but  became  an  active  centre  of  reform. 

Before  considering  the  reform  which  emanated  from  Fleury 
we  may  mention  two  of  John's  stories  about  Fleury,  the  first 
showing  the  jealousy  that  even  trivial  points  aroused  between  the 
old  order  and  the  new.  Odo  with  several  brothers  was  staying 
at  the  monastery.  On  the  Saturday  evening,  according  to  the 
Cluniac  custom,  one  of  them  began  to  clean  his  boots.  This 
innovation  intensely  annoyed  a  Fleurian  monk,  who,  although 
it  was  the  silence  hour,  could  not  contain  his  wrath,  and  burst 
forth,  '  Tell  me  in  what  passage  St.  Benedict  ever  ordered  his 
monks  to  clean  their  shoes  '.     On  the  other  circumspectly  making 

^  Migne,  132,  p.  1075,  .  .  .  conversationis  comperimus  quod  filhis  nosier  Odo, 
venerabilis  abbas  in  hoc  monasterio  et  venerabilis  vir  Hugo  dux  Francorum  nuper 
stabilierunt  alacrius  et  securius. 

^  Ibid.,  Sive  in  detrahenda  vel  impedienda  conversatione  quam  novelli  fratres 
tenere. 

'  Ibid.,  Spes  nobis  inest  quia  si  in  illo  coenobio  quod  est  quasi  caput  ac 
principimn  observantia  religiosa  rejtoruerit,  cetera  circumqvaqve  posita  quasi 
membra  convalescant. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  43 

the  sign  for  silence,  he  still  more  furiously  continued  :  'Oh, 
thou  !  who  wast  accustomed  to  gad  about  the  countryside  on 
business,  hast  thou  now  come  hither  to  preach  the  rule  and  to 
correct  the  life  of  thy  betters  ?  By  swearing  and  perjury  thou 
who  like  a  bird  of  prey  wast  accustomed  to  snatch  away 
the  substance  of  thy  fellow-men,  now  impudently  settest  thy- 
self up  for  a  saint,  as  if  we  did  not  know  thee  of  old.  God 
did  not  make  me  a  serpent  that  after  thy  manner  I  should  hiss, 
nor  an  ox  that  I  should  bellow,  but  a  man  to  speak  with  the 
tongue  He  gave  me.'  Afraid  to  hear  more  the  Cluniac  monk 
fled,  pursued  by  the  insults  of  the  other.  Next  day  the  scandal 
was  reported  at  the  meeting  of  the  chapter,  when  the  hardened 
sinner  refused  to  seek  pardon,  and  had  even  the  audacity  to 
maintain  that  he  had  done  well,  and  that  the  other  had  no  right 
to  hold  himself  the  better.  Odo  sorrowful  at  such  pride  adjourned 
the  dispute  to  next  day,  that  the  peace  and  joy  of  the  Lord's  day 
should  not  be  disturbed.  But  when  the  chapter  adjourned,  the 
offending  brother  was  found  to  be  dumb,  and  three  days  later, 
without  absolution,  he  died.^ 

The  second  story  shows  the  reverence  with  which  Fleury 
was  regarded.  Odo  was  there  one  year  for  St.  Benedict's  day. 
Morning  Lauds  was  celebrated  before  dawn,  when  St.  Benedict 
appeared  to  a  weary  brother  who  had  fallen  asleep.  With 
that  charming  familiarity  incident  to  visions,  the  sleeping  brother 
asked  the  saini  where  he  had  come  from  and  what  he  was  doing 
there.  He  had  been  absent  from  Fleury  in  the  night,  the  saint 
replied,  to  rescue  a  monk  who  having  left  Fleury  from  pride  had 
crossed  to  Britain,  where  he  had  died,  and  been  seized  by 
demons.  This  amazed  the  sleeping  monk,  when  to  his  further 
amazement  the  saint  explained  that  since  its  foundation  there 
was  no   monk   of   Fleurv  but  had  been  received  into  eternal 

^  This  custom  of  cleaning  the  footgear  was  stopped  in  the  twelfth  century 
by  Peter  the  Venerable.  It  had  been  useful  in  the  days  when  the  monks 
travelled,  but  when  Cluny  grew  in  size,  thougli  many  of  the  monks  never  left 
the  cloister,  the  rule  was  still  obligatory.  The  monks  would  therefore  wet 
two  fingers,  and  smear  their  boots,  so  as  to  make  a  show  of  cleaning  them. 


44  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

rest.  He  then  asked  if  the  brothers  were  well  supplied  with 
fish,  and  learning  they  were  not,  said  they  should  fish  not  in  the 
river  but  in  the  marsh.  That  day  he  would  be  present  with  them 
and  would  give  such  a  sign  that  none  could  mistake  his  coming. 
When  the  hour  of  speech  came,  the  brother  told  all.  Fishers 
were  sent  to  the  marsh,  but  fearful  of  ridicule  went  to  the  river 
and  of  course  caught  nothing.  Questioned  by  the  oeconomus 
they  were  ignominiously  driven  by  him  to  the  marsh,  where  their 
catch  was  so  enormous  that  they  could  scarcely  drag  it  back. 
Then  the  festival  dawned,  and  crowds  were  seen  at  the  monastic 
gates,  the  halt,  the  blind,  the  paralysed,  the  sick,  all  waiting  for 
the  hour  of  refection,  before  which  mass  was  said.  When  the 
Gloria  was  sung,  suddenly  with  a  loud  noise  the  doors  of  the 
church  burst  open.^  All  struck  with  terror  looked  round,  when 
the  blind  saw,  the  lame  walked,  the  deaf  heard,  the  sick  received 
their  health,  and  the  lamps  of  the  church  lit  up.  All  understood 
that  St.  Benedict  was  with  them,  and  none  could  restrain  their 
tears  of  joy. 

Odo  would  not  tell  the  name  of  the  monk  who  saw  the  vision, 
therefore  it  remains  doubtful  whether  it  was  he  or  another. 

Fleury's  influence  spread  first  to  St.  Evre's,  Toul.  Gauzlin, 
bishop  of  Toul,  being  interested  in  the  reform  movement  went  to 
Fleury  to  study  it.  On  returning  he  brought  a  copy  of  the  almost 
forgotten  Benedictine  rule,  and  reformed  St.  Evre's,^  where  he 
appointed  Archimbald,  a  monk  of  Fleury,  abbot  (934).  The 
bishop  retained  supreme  authority  over  the  monastery.  No 
abbot  was  to  remove  it  from  his  jurisdiction,  and  the  election 
of  an  abbot  was  valid  only  if  ratified  by  him.  His  zeal  did  not 
stop  with  the  reform  of  this,  the  chief  monastery  of  his  diocese. 
With  Archimbald's  help  he  restored  Bouxieres  (a  convent)  and 
reformed  St.  Mansuy's.^     To  the  latter  Archimbald  sent  monks 

^  Ibid.  iii.  2.     So  large  was  the  church  that  of  all  the  vast  multitude  not 
one  had  to  remain  outside, 
-  Gesta  episc.  Tull.  c.  31. 
^  Miracula  S.  Mansueti,  SS.  iv.  p.  508. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  45 

from  St.  Evre's  from  which  St.  Mansuy's  was  subsidised,  but  it 
soon  lapsed  again  from  grace,  and  sank  into  so  evil  a  state  that 
it  had  to  be  reformed  a  second  time  by  Gerhard  of  Brogne. 
A  more  scandalous  state  of  misrule  prevailed  at  Montierender 
from  which  the  abbot  was  expelled.  The  majority  of  the  monks 
fled,  and  others  under  the  leadership  of  a  monk  of  St.  Evre's 
were  settled  there.^  Fleury  itself  was  given  full  rights  over 
three  monasteries  as  far  distant  as  Pressy  in  Autun,  Sacerge, 
and  La  Reole  in  Gascony.^  The  possession  of  the  last  proved 
rather  a  misfortune  than  a  blessing.  Its  monks  were  always 
turbulent,  and  the  abbots  of  Fleury,  though  too  far  away  to 
control  them,  were  yet  held  responsible  for  the  scandal  of  their 
lives.  Finally,  in  an  attempt  to  restore  order  Abbo,  the  greatest 
of  the  abbots  of  Fleury,  lost  his  life. 

Another  important  monastery  reformed  by  Fleury,  three 
years  after  Odo's  death,  was  St.  Remi  of  Rheims.^  Its  monks 
had  been  forced  to  flee  during  the  incursions  ot  the  Huns  (926). 
For  years  after  that,  Rheims  was  the  centre  of  the  political 
intrigues  of  the  Frankish  king  and  his  opponents  and  no 
thought  was  given  to  monastic  revival.  Finally,  Hugh,  the 
archbishop,  was  moved  to  restore  St.  Remi's,  and  asked 
Archimbald  of  Fleury  to  help.  By  his  efforts  and  the  favour 
of  Gerberga,  mother  of  the  Frankish  Icing,  the  former  possessions 
of  the  monastery  were  won  back,  and  its  old  reputation  restored. 
Within  its  walls  Lothair  was  crowned,  when  he  granted  St. 
Remi's  full  immunity  from  dues  (953).  In  972  John  XIII. 
took  it  under  the  papal  protection,  and  confirmed  its  freedom 
from  royal,  secular,  and  episcopal  control. 

By  the  end  of  the  tenth  century  Fleury  had  attained  a 
position,  second  if  not  equal  to  Cluny,  with  which  almost  all 
connection  had  been  allowed  to  drop.  In  her  reform  pro- 
paganda the   influence   of  the   monastery   extended   chiefly   to 

^  Sackur,  Die  Cli(ni(jcenscr  in  ihrer  kirrh lichen  mid  aUgemeingrschUchtUchcn 
Wirksnnikeit,  i.  p.  17(). 

-  Mirac.  S.  Benedicti,  iii.  c.  15,  c.  4;  cf.  Vila  Abbonis,  cap.  20. 
^  Mabilloii,  Acta  SS.  v.  340. 


46  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

the  north  and  east  of  Gaul,  and  to  Lorraine  ;  even  more  distant 
England  ^  seems  to  have  owed  much  of  her  monastic  revival  to 
Fleury.  With  the  tenth  century  the  most  influential  days  of 
Fleury  were  over,  and  its  abbots  soon  sank  to  being  mere 
creatures  of  the  Crown. 

^  Cf.  Vita  Abbonis,  Vita  Oswaldi. 


CHAPTER  V 

PAPAL   AND   ROYAL   CHARTERS,    AND   OTHER   GIFTS 

The  fact  that  so  celebrated  a  monastery  as  Fleury  had  been 
reformed  by  the  abbot  of  Cluny,  made  a  stir  in  ecclesiastical 
circles,  and  greatly  increased  Odo's  renown.  After  that  event, 
'  many  from  neighbouring  regions  came  to  follow  the  footsteps 
of  the  holy  man,  and  under  his  direction  to  learn  the  way  of 
obedience.  In  so  much  was  the  fame  of  his  holiness  noised 
abroad,  that  not  only  laymen  and  canons,  but  even  certain 
bishops  joined  his  community.  Thus  the  ground  which  had 
been  left  uncultivated  and  choked  with  thorns  began  to  bring 
forth  new  fruit ;  and  Odo  began  to  shine  like  a  star,  known  to 
kings,  familiar  to  bishops,  and  beloved  of  magnates.  And 
whosoever  in  those  days  built  a  monastery,  delivered  it  to  the 
authority  (ius)  of  the  father,  that  he  might  order  and  direct  it  '.^ 
In  931,  John  XI.  granted  a  charter  which  contains  a  clause 
epoch-making  in  the  history  of  Cluny.  '  Because  it  is  only 
too  clear  that  almost  all  monasteries  have  erred  from  the  regular 
life,  we  grant,  that  if  any  monk  from  any  monastery  should  wish 
to  pass  over  to  your  manner  of  living  with  the  sole  object  of 
amending  his  life,  that  is,  if  his  former  abbot  has  neglected  to 
provide  regular  means  of  subsistence  for  preventing  the  holding 
of  private  property,  thou  mayst  receive  him  until  such  time  as 
the  conduct   of   his   monastery   be   corrected.'  -      In   the   past 

^   Vita  Joanne. 

2  Migne,  132,  p.  1055,  Et  quia  inm  pene  cuyicta  monasteria  a  suo  proposito 
praevaricantnr,  conceditnus,  lit  si  qiiis  nionachus  ex  quoUbei  monasierio  ad 
vestram  conversationem,  solo  duntaxat  meliorayidae  vitae  studio  traxsmigrare 
I'oluerit  sui  videlicet  eius  abbas  regnlarem  sumption  ad  depellendam  proprietatern 
habendi  ministrare  neglexerit,  suscipere  vobis  liceat,  quousque  nionasterii  sui 
conversatio  emendetur. 

47 


48  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

this  privilege  had  been  granted,  but  very  rarely.  The  decree 
of  the  Council  of  Agde  ^  had  forbidden  any  abbot  to  receive 
strange  monks  within  his  monastery,  unless  with  their  abbot's 
goodwill  and  consent.  Now,  however,  with  the  express  sanction 
of  the  papal  authority,  the  way  was  cleared  for  Cluny's  pro- 
paganda. Possession  of  Romainmoutier  was  confirmed,  and 
the  papal  licence  granted  Odo  to  receive  any  other  monastery 
under  his  authority  for  reform. ^ 

Other  clauses  in  the  charter  witnessed  to  the  papal  good- 
will ;  e.g.  Cluny's  quinquennial  tribute  of  ten  solidi  was  to  be 
paid  in  order  to  make  clearly  intelligible  to  all,  that  it  pertained 
to  the  holy  see  to  guard  and  cherish  the  monastery.^  Its  freedom 
from  outside  domination  *  was  again  assured,  and  freedom  of 
choice  at  the  election  of  an  abbot,  though  it  was  added,  '  that 
should,  what  God  prevent,  an  unworthy  choice  be  made,  then 
any  one  whosoever  might  annul  it '.  The  pope  confirmed 
Cluny's  possessions,  and  the  privilege  of  coining  money  (monetam 
propriam)  granted  by  Rudolf,  king  of  the  Franks.  No  one  was 
to  take  away  its  serfs  or  attack  its  property,  Cluny  being  one  of 
those  holy  places  to  which  reverence  was  due.  Tenths  which 
had  formerly  belonged  to  its  chapels  and  through  the  modern 
authority  of  any  bishop  had  been  taken  away,^  were  restored 
{vobis  ex  integro  restituimus).  New  chapels  built  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood were  to  diminish  nothing  from  the  tenths  of  Cluny's 
churches,^  and  the  dues  which  bishop  Berno  had  granted  from 

^  Labbe  Concilia,  viii.  p.  329,  clause  xxvii.,  Monachum  nisi  abbatis  sui 
aut  permissu  aut  voluntate  ad  alterum  monasterium  commigrantem  nullus  abbas 
suscipere  aut  retinere  presumat  sed  ubicumque  fuerint  abbati  suo  auctoritate 
canonum  revocentur. 

-  Migne,  132,  p.  1057,  Si  coenobium  aliquod  ex  voluntate  illoruni  ad  quoruiti 
dispositionem  pertinere  videtur,  in  sua  ditione  ad  meliorandum  suscipere  con- 
senteritis,  nostram  licentiani  ex  hoc  habeatis. 

3  Ibid.,  Ad  tuendum  atque  fovendum. 

"  Ibid.,  Liberum  ab  omni  dominatu  cuiuscunque  regis  aut  episcopi,  sive 
comitis,  aut  cuiuslibet  ex  jjropinquis  ipsius  Willelmi. 

^  Ibid.,  Per  modernarn.  quasi  auctoritatem  sive  licentiam  a  quolibet  episcopo 
subtractae  sunt. 

^  Ibid.,  Capellas  si  aliquae  iam  factae  sunt  vet  faciendae  inibi  sunt,  ita 
manere  cpncedimus  ut  vestris  ecclesiis  nihil  ex  decimis  minuatur. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  49 

these  churches  were  assured  in  perpetuity.  Tenths  from 
cultivated  lands  and  vineyards  could  be  reserved  for  hospitality. 
Then  followed  the  anathema  on  those  who  broke,  and  the  blessing 
on  those  who  kept,  the  clauses  of  the  charter.  Next  year  the 
pope,  at  the  request  of  Odo  and  Hugh,  king  of  the  Lombards,^ 
reconfirmed  Cluny's  privileges.  '  For  the  highest  reward  will 
be  given  to  those  venerable  places  which  strive  to  increase 
holiness.'  Cluny's  possession  of  Carus  Locus,  a  monastery 
belonging  to  the  jurisdiction  of  Rome,  was  confirmed.  Any 
one  who  went  against  the  charter  would  be  anathematised  by 
Peter  the  apostle,  and  abandoned  to  the  devil  and  his  atrocious 
minions  to  be  burnt  in  the  eternal  fire  with  Judas  who  betrayed 
the  Lord,  and  sunk  with  the  wicked  in  the  abyss  of  infernal 
chaos. 

Six  years  later  John's  successor,  Leo  VIL,  reaffirmed  the 
privileges  (938).  He  did  so  because  of  (1)  his  love  for  the 
apostles  Peter  and  Paul ;  (2)  the  good  repute  of  the  religious 
life  at  Cluny  ;  ^  (3)  his  love  for  his  sons,  kings  Hugh  and  Lothair, 
who,  as  he  had  heard,  cherished  the  monastery  exceedingly. ^  He 
confirmed  the  privileges  granted  by  John  and  declared  Cluny 
free  from  all  outside  domination,  as  William  the  Pious  had 
decreed.  He  reinstated  Cluny  in  the  possession  of  vills  given  by 
king  Rudolf  but  claimed  by  the  church  of  Lyons  and  of  Macon. 
Leo  based  his  decision  on  the  fact  that  no  person  then  living 
was  old  enough  to  have  seen  the  aforesaid  churches  invested 
with  any  of  the  vills,  and  that  the  legal  time  for  proving  such 
cases  had  been  spent  in  wrangling  and  dispute.  All  further 
discussion  was  to  cease.*  Any  one  who  seized  Cluny's  posses- 
sions or  the  property  given  by  the  king  would  be  excommuni- 

^  Ibid.  p.  1058,  Quia  supplicavit  tua  religio  et  interventio  Hugonis  glorissimi 
regis,  dilecti  fiUi  nostri. 

-  Ibid.  p.  1074,  Pro  religione  quae  ibidem  tenetur. 

^  Ibid.,  Qui  locum  multuni  fovent. 

*  Ibid.,  Xon  est  tamen  aliquis  tain  longaevae  aetatis,  qui  unquam  i)i  pre- 
dictis  ecclesiis  vestituram  de  illis  villis  ullam  habere  vidisset ;  et  quia  prestitutum 
legale  tern  pus  ad  recuperandas  huiusmodi  querelas  pertransiit,  omnis  repetitio 
conquiescat. 

E 


50  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

cated.  AlKwho  did  good  to  the  abbey  would,  if  they  wished  to 
amend  their  lives,  be  absolved  from  their  sins ;  all  who  did 
harm  anathematised. ^ 

Proofs  of  royal  favour  were  also  given.  Three  times  in  931 
Rudolf  of  Burgundy,  king  of  the  Franks,  gave  land  to  Cluny  and 
confirmed  gifts  made  by  others.  In  the  first  charter  he  stated 
that  as  there  was  no  power  except  from  God,  the  powerful  should 
humble  themselves  under  His  hand  and  be  zealous  to  please 
Him  with  gifts.  He  therefore  made  known  to  all  kings,  counts, 
magistrates,  and  ministers  of  the  kingdom  that,  at  the  request 
of  his  wife  and  fideles,  he  gave  Cluny  a  vill  and  the  third  of 
a  fishery  {j)iscina),  the  middle  part,  with  its  serfs  and  what- 
ever else  belonged  to  it.  No  king,  count,  or  person  of  inferior 
rank  was  to  interfere  with  the  gift :  ^  at  the  same  time  he 
confirmed  the  gift  of  Blanuscus,^  with  a  chapel  and  its  lands, 
and  reaffirmed  the  decree  of  bishop  Berno  of  Macon  over 
tenths  (cf.  i.  373),  which  were  to  be  held  by  Cluny  as 
of  old,  and  not  taken  away  by  any  modern  authority.  The 
second  charter  stated  that  by  bending  the  royal  ear  to  the  just 
petitions  of  the  faithful,  the  royal  cult  was  furthered,  and 
,  subjects  made  more  zealous  in  their  fidelity.  Therefore,  at  the 
request  of  his  wife  and  dearest  brother,  the  king  gave  seven 
manors  in  three  different  vills  to  Cluny,  confirmed  his  former 
gift  of  the  third  of  a  fishery,  with  the  three  servants  attached 
to  it,  their  children  and  the  manors  which  they  held  {quos  if  si 

^  Ibid.  p.  1068.  The  year  before  (937)  the  pope  twice  confirmed  Cluny's 
possession  of  property.  For  it  was  right  to  give  the  apostolic  defence  to  those 
places  which  asked  it,  and  especially  to  Cluny,  subject  as  it  was  to  the  papal 
ius.  At  Odo's  request  he  confirmed  possession  of  the  curtis  Escutiola 
with  churches,  houses,  lands,  fields,  meadows,  pasture,  woods,  thickets,  apple 
trees,  cisterns,  fountains,  rivers,  fruitful  and  unfruitful  trees,  cultivated  and 
uncultivated  land,  serfs,  male  and  female,  i.e.  everything  belonging  to  the  curtis 
as  left  by  count  Geoffrey.  A  curse  was  pronounced  on  any  one  who  attacked 
this  property.  In  the  same  year  at  Odo's  request  he  confirmed  Cluny's  possession 
of  a  vill  and  everything  belonging  to  it,  given  by  king  Rudolf  :  the  wording 
identical  to  the  above. 

2  Bruel,  i.  396. 

^  Ibid.  Chapels,  serfs,  vineyards,  meadows,  waters,  woods,  mills,  cultivated 
and  uncultivated  land. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  51 

tenent),  also  the  abbey's  right  to  property  given  by  two  other 
donors. 1  In  the  third  charter,  again  at  his  wife  and  brother's 
request,  he  gave  the  vill  Salustriacus  (in  which  he  had  previously 
given  three  manors),  with  vineyards,  fields,  meadows,  woods, 
and  the  fishery,  etc.,  mentioned  above. ^ 

The  next  year  the  little  society  of  Cluniac  brothers,  watched 
over  by  their  gentle  father  and  abbot  Odo,  remembering  that 
ecclesiastical  authority  warns  men  in  this  miserable  life  and 
earthly  pilgrimage  to  strive  for  eternal  joys,  and  to  flee  from 
the  waves  of  the  world  to  the  shore  of  eternal  tranquillity,  and 
afraid  that  they  should  be  found  unfruitful  trees,  built  a  chapel 
at  Salustriacus,  which  they  asked  Berno,  bishop  of  Macon,  to 
consecrate,  and  in  endowment  {pro  dote)  to  grant  them  tenths. 
He,  not  seeking  his  own,  with  the  consent  of  his  canons,  granted 
them  all  the  tenths  from  the  land  given  by  the  king  in  Salus- 
triacus and  the  country  around,  tenths  which  formerly  belonged 
to  St.  Peter's  Massiacus,  half  of  the  tenths  from  Bulon,  and 
other  tenths  from  Salustriacus  and  Bulon  which  at  that  time 
went  to  St.  Julian's  Rocca,  to  which  the  new  chapel  was 
subject.  No  superfluous  dues  were  to  be  asked  from  the  monks, 
and  at  the  synodal  season  the  priest  was  to  pay  2  denarii  in 
eulogiae  and  12  denarii  in  paratae.  The  bishop  begged  his  suc- 
cessors to  keep  this  agreement  (932-33).^  In  939  king  Louis, 
at  the  request  of  Hugh  the  Black,  son  of  the  duke  of  Burgundy, 
also  confirmed  Cluny's  possession  of  Salustriacus,  two  other 
places  (loci),  and  a  third  of  the  fishery  before  mentioned.  At 
the  same  time  he  confirmed  the  abbey's  privileges.  Cluny  was 
to  remain  as  duke  William  decreed,  liber  et  ahsolutus,  subject 
to    the    Roman    see    ad    luendum  non   ad  dominandum :     the 


^  Ibid.  i.  397.     Three  in  Salustriacus. 

-  Ibid.  i.  398.     Same  preamble  as  397. 

^  Ibid.  i.  408,  Kos  jmnnda  Clunienslum  fratnnn  societas  cui  Odo  mith'i 
pater  et  abbas  jne  patrocinatur  utilitatem  monasterii  nostri  pro  posse  providentes 
rel  utcnmque  statnm  divini  cultus  nitentes  augere.  Capella  omni  tempore  Sancto 
Jiiliano  subjecta  habcatur  :  ubsequio  non  requirente  superfluo  ababbate  vel  catervis 
pretuxati  cenobii. 


52  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

monks  to  choose  their  own  abbot :  tenths  to  be  as  bishop  Berno 
granted.^ 

From  Hugh,  king  of  the  Lombards,  and  his  son  liOthair 
Cluny  received  the  curtes  Savigneux  and  Amberieu,  with 
chapels,  land,  vineyards,  fields,  meadows,  pasture,  woods,  waters, 
mountains,  valleys,  hills,  plains,  houses,  and  serfs,  the  king 
retaining  under  his  own  power  a  fisher  and  five  other  servants 
(servientes).  The  gift  was  made  because  it  was  certain  that  for 
temporal  gifts  to  venerable  places  dedicated  to  God  an  eternal 
reward  would  be  gained.  Any  one  disputing  the  gift  would  be 
condemned  by  God  for  sacrilege,  and  compelled  to  pay  100  pounds 
of  the  best  gold,  half  to  the  treasury,  half  to  the  abbot  (934). ^ 

Several  gifts  were  made  to  Cluny  by  bishops.  As  early  as 
929  Berno,  bishop  of  Macon,  perceiving  that  the  love  of  the 
laity  grew  cold,  and  remembering  it  was  necessary  to  provide 
for  his  spiritual  sons  wherever  they  were,  proclaimed  to  all 
bishops,  archdeacons,  and  chiefs  of  the  church  that  he  wished  to 
solace  Cluny,  bound  to  him  in  special  friendship.^  There  had 
been  controversy  about  four  of  Cluny's  churches  in  the  time  of 
his  predecessor.  As  it  was  only  right  that  the  monks  should 
enjoy  tranquillity,  the  bishop  and  his  congregation  granted 
them  all  that  his  predecessors  and  the  archdeacons  had  received 
from  the  four  churches,  with  their  chapels,  excepting  synodal 
eulogiae  el  paratae.^  As  long  as  the  monks  celebrated  divine 
service  there,  they  were  to  hold  the  churches  and  their  tenths, 
or  give  them  away  if  they  wished.  The  bishop  decreed  this 
pro  signo  societatis  that,  alive  and  dead,  he  and  the  monks 
might  share  in  one  another's  good  deeds.  He  wished  all  in  the 
present  and  the  future  to  remember  that  by  ancient  custom  his 


^  Ibid.  i.  499.     The  preamble  is  the  same  as  i.  285. 

^  Ibid.  i.  417.  Confirmed  937  by  Leo  VII.  at  the  request  of  the  king  and 
his  son.  The  anathema  was  called  down  on  any  one  who  went  against  the  gift 
(Migne,  132,  p.  1082). 

^  Ibid.  i.  373,  In  quantum  possutnus  solaciari. 

*  Eulogia  :  small  gift.  Paratae  :  expenses  of  receiving  bishops  and  arch- 
deacons when  visiting  rural  churches  (Ducange). 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  53 

see  had  the  right  to  do  what  it  would  with  tenths. ^  If  any  of 
his  successors  were  tempted  to  go  against  his  decree,  let  them 
remember  the  text,  '  Cursed  be  he  who  removeth  his  neighbour's 
boundary  '.  The  same  bishop  granted  Cluny  tenths  when  con- 
secrating the  chapel  at  Salustriacus  (p.  51).  In  938  another 
bishop  of  Macon,  Maimbod,  gave  Cluny  a  charter  almost  identical 
with  the  above  (373)  to  which  he  had  been  a  signatory.  An 
eruption  of  pagans  it  seemed,  and  the  violence  of  evil  men  had 
almost  destroyed  the  churches  which  bishop  Berno  had  placed 
under  Cluny. ^  It  therefore  seemed  only  right  to  reduce  their 
synodal  returns  :  hence  one  which  had  paid  8  was  to  pay  only 
4  denarii,  and  in  eulogiae  5  denarii.  One  parish  over  which 
the  monks  had  been  much  distressed  was  restored  to  them  in 
its  entirety,  and  from  four  churches,  as  granted  by  bishop 
Berno,  synodal  eAtlogiae  et  paratae  remitted.  Three  years  later 
Maimbod,  with  the  wife  of  another  man,  gave  a  vineyard, 
manor,  and  curtilus  to  Cluny.  ^ 

The  bishop  of  Autun  confirmed  Cluny's  possession  of  a 
little  chapel  belonging  to  a  church  in  his  diocese.  His  pre- 
decessor had  given  it  to  a  priest  for  life,  and  endowed  it  with 
a  little  land.  On  his  death  certain  evil  men  seized  it,  claiming 
it  as  the  bishop's  heirs.*  The  priest  therefore  decided  to  give  it 
to  Cluny,  that  fitting  service  should  be  rendered  to  God  and  the 
legal  dues  restored  to  his  church.  The  monks  could  do  what 
they  wished  with  it,  as  long  as  they  paid  the  parent  church 
12  denarii  silver  annually.  The  bishop  renounced  his  episcopal 
dues  from  it  in  favour  of  the  monks. 

From  laymen  in  these  early  years  there  were  a  few  gifts  of 
churches,  e.g.  a  certain  Leotbald  and  his  wife  gave  four  churches, 


^  Ibid.,  Xnrerint  lecturi  .  ,  .  quod  nostra  sedes  ex  antiqua  consuetudine  pro 
lege  teneat,  id  id  de  nostris  decitnis  facere  liceat. 

-  Ibid.  i.  484,  Cum  ipsns  ecclesias  irruptio  paganornni,  quin  etiam  violentia 
quorumdam  prnvonim,  mnxima  ex  parte  anuuUasxet  visum  vohis  est  .  .  .  sinodali 
reditu  le.vigare. 

■'  Ibid.  i.  olU. 

•*   Ibid.  i.  474,  I iiiuste  et  cum  fas  enndem  quasi  sucressores  invaseraiit. 


54  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

a  vill,  its  serfs,  and  other  two  vills  with  churches  and  serfs,^  to  be 
held  by  the  donors  for  hfe,  and  on  their  death  to  revert  to  Cluny 
(927).     Two  years  later  they  gave  the  whole  entirely  and  uncon- 
ditionally to  Cluny. 2     A  gift  of  a  church  ^  and  of  a  chapel,  St. 
Victor's,  are  also  recorded.*     The  chapel  was  to  pay  no  tenths  nor 
dues  to  the  secular  power,  for  it  was  only  right  that  the  people's 
offerings  should  go  to  the  monks.     If  any  one  went  against  the 
charter  or  asked,  for  the  chapel,  a  little  gift  from  the  brothers,  or 
seized  its  lands,  at  the  day  of  judgement  God,  His  holy  apostles, 
and  St.  Victor,  would  withstand  and  confound  him.     Three  deeds 
of  sale  are  mentioned.     A  man,  hoping  to  be  snatched  from  the 
pains  of  hell,  for  36  solidi  paid  by  the  monks  gave  the  fourth 
of  a  church  to  Cluny.^     Another  man,  remembering  that  in  this 
fragile  body  all  should  prepare  for  the  future,  since  no  man 
knoweth  the  hour  of  his  death,  gave  three  churches  with   all 
belonging  to  them,  i.e.  tenths,  cultivated  and  uncultivated  land, 
meadows,  plains,  waters,  woods,  vineyards.    He  received  50  solidi 
from  the  monks. ^     In  exchange  for  the  vill  Amberieu  and  its 
church,  a  man  and  his  wife  willed  a  vill,  its  churches  and  serfs, 
to  Cluny.     They  were  to  hold  both  properties  for  life,  paying 
the  monks  6  solidi  annually.     On  their  death  all  reverted  to 
Cluny.''     A  man  and  his  brother  gave  Cluny  a  curtikis,  field,  half 
another  field,  and  the  customs  of  a  wood,  for  having  burnt  down 
a  church.^ 

Of  the  charters,  that  of  John  XL  (931)  is  of  course  the  most 
important  as  giving  free  scope  to  Cluny' s  reforming  activity,  to 
the  consideration  of  which  we  now  turn.^ 

1  Ibid.  i.  283.  2  ibid.  i.  387. 

3  Ibid.  i.  471.  Any  one  who  disputed  the  charter  was  to  pay  a  fine  of  three 
pounds  gold,  de  auro  libras  Hi. 

*  Ibid.  i.  378,  Aliquod  munnsculum  pro  ipsa  capella  expostulaveril. 

^  Ibid.  i.  239.  Accipio  aliquod  pretium  36  solidos. 

^  Ibid.  i.  486,  Pro  ipsa  scriptione  accepimus  50  solidos.  Aymardus  is 
mentioned  as  abbot  (anno  938). 

'  Ibid.  i.  509.  «  Ibid.  i.  310. 

'  Among  the  charters  are  a  few  which  record  marriage  settlements.  One 
man,  for  his  love  and  goodwill  toward  her,  gave  his  beloved  wife  a  chapel  in 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  55 

Macon  with  all  belonging  to  it  and  a  vineyard,  with  all  which  she  was  to  do 
as  she  willed.  If  the  husband  or  his  heirs  later  disputed  the  gift  they  were  to 
pay  a  fine  of  three  ounces  gold  (i.  2o4).  Another  husband,  remembering  that 
a  man  shall  leave  father  and  mother  and  cleave  to  his  wife  and  that  those 
whom  God  joined  are  not  to  be  put  asunder,  gave  to  his  beloved  and  amiah)le 
spouse,  whom  by  the  will  of  God  and  of  his  parents  he  had  married,  a  vineyard 
and  a  manor  with  the  trees  and  all  else  belonging  to  it — in  esponcalicio  as  the 
Roman  law  laid  down  {comnienwral).  She  could  hold,  sell,  or  exchange  the 
property.  If  he  took  back  his  gift  he  was  to  pay  a  fine  (i.  686).  Another  man 
gave  in  dower  to  his  sweetest  and  most  amiable  wife  a  third  of  all  he  possessed 
or  would  possess,  to  have,  hold,  sell,  or  exchange.  If  he  or  any  one  else 
disputed  the  gift  they  were  to  ]>ay  a  pound  gold  to  the  fisc  (i.  687).  Several 
other  charters  record  deeds  of  gift  or  sale  by  women,  e.g.  Eva,  a  noble  woman, 
sold  the  monks  a  vineyaid  given  her  in  dower  by  her  husband  for  two  measures 
of  wine  and  of  wheat  (i.  315).  Another  woman,  for  the  love  and  goodwill 
she  bore  her  son,  gave  him  and  his  wife  a  manor  with  all  belonging  to  it, 
vineyards,  fields,  meadows,  woods,  waters,  mills,  and  adjacent  to  the  manor 
three  fields  and  four  vineyards.  While  she  lived  she  was  to  hold  half  of  one 
vineyard  and  its  serfs  (i.  231).  The  same  or  another  Eva,  remembering  that 
the  divine  mercy  in  pity  for  human  frailty  allows  each  of  the  faithful  to  buy 
an  eternal  kingdom  by  giving  from  what  God  gave  them,  and  mindful  of  the 
precept  to  lay  up  treasure  in  heaven,  gave  St.  Peter  in  vestitura  property  which 
came  to  her  in  hereditary  right,  i.e.  her  part  of  two  vills  (as  apart  from  what 
belonged  to  her  brothers  and  sisters) ;  also  a  manor.  She  was  to  hold  all  for 
life,  and  on  her  death  the  whole  reverted  to  Cluny  (i.  141).  An  Eva  again, 
who  at  the  end  of  her  life  was  fearful  at  the  enormity  of  her  sins,  wishing  to 
buy  an  eternal  reward  with  earthly  things  and  make  friends  with  the  mammon 
of  unrighteousness,  gave  a  manor  and  serfs  to  Cluny  ;  also  the  third  of  a 
meadow  and  of  a  field  {condatnina,  i.  153).  A  few  other  charters  record  gifts 
by  women. 


CHAPTER  VI 


ODO  3   KEFORMING   ACTIVITY 


The  time  and  the  man  go  together.  Great  as  Odo  was,  he  could 
not  have  accomplished  the  work  that  he  did  had  the  times  not 
been  ripe.  In  the  beginning  of  the  tenth  century  a  spirit  of  revolt 
at  the  coarse  materialism  of  the  day  passed  over  society.  As 
the  best  way  to  counteract  that  materialism,  earnest  men  turned 
to  the  encouragement  of  monastic  life.  New  monasteries  were 
founded,  and  those  that  had  fallen  into  disrepute  were  reformed. 

But  if  the  harvest  was  ready,  the  labourers  were  few,  and  a 
most  important  element  in  the  reform  was  the  personal.  With- 
out Odo,  who  towers  like  a  giant  head  and  shoulders  above  his 
contemporaries,  Cluny's  later  eminence  could  hardly  have  been 
possible.  This  personal  element  had  its  disadvantages  as  well 
as  its  advantages.  Extraordinary  worker  and  indefatigable 
traveller  as  Odo  was,  he  could  not  be  everywhere,  and  often 
after  he  had  reformed  a  monastery  its  connection  with  Cluny 
was  allowed  to  drop.  But  as  the  reform  in  turn  went  forth  from 
the  new  centre,  the  end  after  all  was  attained  :  Odo  sowed  the 
seed  and  cared  not  who  reaped  the  harvest.  Like  the  Psalmist 
he  might  have  exclaimed,  '  Show  Thy  servants  their  work,  and 
their  children  Thy  glory.'  Because  of  his  great  zeal,  and  his 
indefatigable  energy  in  answering  any  call  however  distant,  it 
was  impossible  to  build  up  a  society  looking  to  Cluny  as  head. 
That  was  to  come  later,  when  his  successors  had  more  time  for 
organisation. 

Characteristic  of  the  reform  was  the  fact  that  Benedict  of 
Aniane's  modification  of  the  rule  having  been  adopted,  the 
Cluniacs  showed  no  desire  to  heighten  its  standard  of  asceticism. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  57 

As  the  papal  charter  of  931  shows,  Odo  looked  towards  the  reform 
of  monasticism  as  a  whole,  and  the  ideal  he  set  before  him  was 
the  establishment  of  uniformity,  similarity,  and  obedience  in  all 
monasteries,  rather  than  the  encouragement  of  isolated  instances 
of  individual  perfection.  Very  wisely,  considering  the  state  of 
the  times,  he  worked  to  uphold  one  standard,  and  that  a  standard 
attainable  by  the  many. 

As  abbot  of  Cluny,  the  history  of  Odo's  life  is  the  history 
of  the  reform.  The  first  monastery  to  come  under  his  direction 
was  Romainmoutier,  which  Adelheid,  duchess  of  Burgundy, 
placed  under  him  and  his  monks  in  order  that  they  might 
transform  it  into  a  priory.^  She  exhorted  the  monks  of  Romain- 
moutier to  follow  the  discipline  and  customs  of  Cluny. ^  Both 
monasteries  were  to  be  held  and  ruled  by  one  abbot,  and  neither 
community  to  elect  an  abbot  without  the  consent  of  the  other,^ 
nor  were  the  monks  of  Romainmoutier  to  substitute  another  for 
him  apppinted.  For  it  would  be  highly  unjust  if  they  who  had 
been  called  to  new  life  by  the  monks  of  Cluny  should  divide  the 
fellowship  of  that  monastery.*  Nevertheless  the  regulation  of 
St.  Benedict  held,  i.e.  if  the  minority  of  either  congregation  was 
moved  by  saner  counsel  and  wished  to  choose  a  better  person, 
the  others  (according  to  the  rule)  were  to  consent.^  It  was  in 
the  power  of  the  abbot  to  transfer  monks  from  the  one  monastery 
to  the  other  as  the  common  advantage,  or  indeed  the  state  of 
supplies,  demanded.^     Like  Cluny,  Romainmoutier  was  to  be 

^  Bruel,  i.  379,  In  'prioreni  sludeani  reformare  statuni. 

^  Ibid.,  Modum  conversationis  .  .  .  de  Cluniaco  transjertur  ita  conservent, 
nl  eundem  modum  in  viclu  et  vestitu,  in  obstiventia,  in  'psalmodia,  in  silentio,  in 
hosjntalitate,  in  vivtua  dilectione  et  snbiectione  atqiie  bona  obedientio,  nvUatenus 
imminuant. 

^  Semper  tamen  velui  una  congregalio  .  .  .  sub  una  abbote  .  .  .  no)i  illis  ant 
islis  liceat  sine  cotnmuni  consensii  abbatem  sibi  prejicere. 

*  Quoniam  valde  iniustuvi  esset,  si  illi  qui  forte  velut  filii  Bomanis  monaster io 
succreverinf,  socialitntem  Clun.  qui  velut  patres  locum  resuscitant,  aliquando 
disriderint. 

^  iSi  rel  illius  vel  istius  congregation  is  minima  pars  saniori  consilio  meliorein 
personam  eligerc  voluerit. 

^  Pro  utilitate  transmit  fa  ndi.'^,  sire  eliam  de  sub-'^idiis  quae  forte  unl  loco 
plusquam  alter i  habundaverint. 


58  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

under  the  guardianship  of  Rome.  Its  liberties  were  assured 
and  its  freedom  from  outside  control,  the  aid  of  the  apostles 
and  Rome  called  on,  and  the  curse  pronounced  in  clauses  identical 
to  those  of  Cluny's  charter  of  foundation.  Hugh  the  Black,  like 
his  mother,  favoured  Cluny,  and  intervened  for  Odo  at  the  court 
of  Conrad  of  Upper  Burgundy.  In  939  he  petitioned  Louis  of 
Gaul  to  confirm  the  Cluniac  charters. ^ 

In  Auvergne,  Odo's  opportunity  came  through  the  goodwill 
of  the  old  friend  who  had  ordained  him,  bishop  Turpio  of  Limoges. 
Through  the  influence  of  the  bishop  and  his  brother  Aimo,^ 
Odo  became  abbot  of  Aurillac  (928),  a  monastery  which  had  sunk 
low  under  its  last  two  abbots,  men  of  infamous  lives,  but  safe- 
guarded by  the  papal  protection  and  by  the  privilege  of  immunity 
from  outside  interference  which  John  XL  had  granted  the 
monastery.  This  immunity  the  bishop  and  his  brother  over- 
rode, and  Odo  as  new  abbot  carried  through  the  reform.  He 
set  over  the  abbey  a  co-abbot,  Arnulf,  under  whom  Aurillac 
turned  from  its  evil  ways  and  became  a  distinguished  centre  of 
reform.  This  success  at  Aurillac  encouraged  Aimo  ^  to  place 
Tulle  under  Odo's  direction.  In  doing  this  he  overrode  the 
claims  of  another  monastery,  St.  Savin's  in  Poitiers,  under  whose 
jurisdiction  Tulle  had  been  placed.  This  did  not  prevent  Rudolf 
of  Burgundy  from  declaring  Tulle  free  from  all  previous  jurisdic- 
tion, and  Odo  its  abbot.  Having  inaugurated  the  reform,  Odo 
appointed  as  co- abbot  Adacius,*  under  whom  the  monastery 
flourished  exceedingly. 

It  was  also  owing  to  bishop  Turpio  and  his  brother  that  two 
monasteries  in  Limoges,^  St.  Martial's  and  St.  Augustine's,  were 
reformed.  Both  were  put  under  the  direction  of  Martin,  abbot 
of  St.  Cyprian's,  Poitiers,  a  new  monastery  consecrated  (936) 

1  Ibid.  i.  499. 

^  Mabillon,  Vetera  Analecta,  ii.  349,  Odo  .  .  .  rogaiiis  a  Turpione  et 
Aimone  Tutelense  abbate.  ^  Sackur,  i,  pp.  78,  79. 

^  Vita  Joanne,  ii.  12,  Archembaldus  .  .  .  Adalasius  viri  nempe  optima- 
tis.simi  et  multorum  monachorum  patres  sunt  effect i. 

^  Sackur,  i.  81  et  seq. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  59 

by  archbishop  Teotolo  of  Tours.  As  Teotolo  was  the  close 
friend  of  Odo,  Martin  may  have  been  in  sympathy  with  the 
Cluniac  movement.  He  himself  reformed  two  monasteries  as 
distant  as  St.-Jean-d'Angely  in  Aquitaine  and  Jmnieges  in 
Normandy.  Odo's  next  work  was  in  Italy.  Later  in  Gaul  he 
reformed  St.  Peter  le  Vif,^  Sens  (937),  a  monastery  whose  lands 
and  buildings  had  been  laid  waste  by  the  Huns.  A  monk  of 
Fleury  was  appointed  abbot,  but  squandered  the  revenues  and  let 
the  monastic  lands  lie  waste.  The  monks  who  had  no  means 
of  subsistence  rapidly  dwindled  in  numbers  until  only  fifteen 
remained.  Of  these  finally  twelve  were  poisoned  in  one  night, 
and  the  monastery  left  desolate.  For  a  time  the  archbishop  of 
Sens  used  the  deserted  buildings  as  a  lodge  for  his  hunting  dogs. 
Years  passed  before  they  were  restored,  and  St.  Peter's  repeopled 
by  monks  from  Fleury  and  Cluny.  The  last  Frankish  monastery 
to  come  under  Odo  was  St.  Julian's,  Tours.  St.  Julian's  had  been 
devastated  by  the  Northmen.  For  almost  a  hundred  years 
monastic  life  there  had  ceased.  Then  archbishop  Teotolo 
rebuilt  the  abbey  (937),  which  he  and  his  sister  richly  endowed. 
Hugh  the  Great  also  gave  it  land.  When  the  restoration  was 
complete,  Odo  was  asked  to  inaugurate  the  reform.  Soon  St- 
Julian's  became  a  well-known  centre  to  which  distinguished 
clerks  and  laymen  flocked. ^ 

In  the  meantime  the  abbots  of  Aurillac  and  Tulle  extended 
Odo's  work.  In  936  Raymond  Pontius  of  Toulouse,  nephew  of 
the  founder  of  Cluny,  built  the  monastery  of  Chanteuge,^  which 
he  wished  to  place  under  Odo.  The  latter,  at  that  time  occupied 
in  Italy,  appointed  Arnulf  of  Aurillac  abbot.  Freedom  from 
outside  jurisdiction,  and  after  Arnulf 's  death  freedom  in  electing 
an  abbot,  was  assured  to  the  monks.  The  count  and  his  wife 
also  founded  St.  Pontius',  Narbonne,  and  put  it  under  Arnulf 
and  his  monks,  one  of  whom  was  made  abbot.  Arnulf's  success 
there  won  the  approval  of  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  who  begged 
him  to  reform  St.  Chafl[re  du  Monastier,  from  which  religious 
1  Ibid.  i.  02.  -•  Ibid.  ^  Baluze,  ii.  lo. 


60  THP]  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

life  had  quite  disappeared.  A  monk  of  Aurillac  was  appointed 
abbot,  who  not  only  restored  the  abbey's  reputation,  but  from 
it  reformed  Sainte  Enimie's.^  Another  disciple  of  Arnulf's  was 
made  abbot  of  St.  Allyre's  in  Clermont,  which  Raymond  Pontius 
and  the  nobles  of  Auvergne  had  begged  Arnulf  to  reform. 

Nor  was  Tulle  behind  as  a  reforming  centre.  Its  abbot, 
Adacius,  reformed  the  ruined  Sarlat,  restored  and  given  to  him 
by  Bernard  of  Perigueux  and  his  wife  Gersindis.  Declared  free 
from  outside  authority  the  monastery  was  placed  under  the 
protection  of  the  king.  At  the  election  of  an  abbot  the  advice 
of  Odo  or  his  successors  was  to  be  obtained.^  So  worthily  did 
Adacius  rule  at  Sarlat  that  next  year  Bernard  restored  and 
gave  him  St.  Sorus',  Genouillac.^  He  also  reformed  Lezat  in 
Toulouse  (944). 

In  the  last  years  of  his  life  Odo  was  mainly  occupied  with  the 
reform  in  Italy,  where  the  state  of  religious  life  was  worse  even 
than  in  Gaul.  The  land  had  not  recovered  from  the  invasions 
of  the  Saracens  and  Huns.  The  whole  church  from  the  papacy 
downwards  was  secularised.  Country  appointments  were  in  the 
hands  of  the  nobles,  who  presented  them  to  their  favourites  ; 
the  sale  of  bishoprics  and  spiritual  offices  was  quite  common  ; 
children  were  raised  to  the  highest  offices  in  the  church.  In  the 
upper  ranks  of  the  clergy  senseless  luxury  ruled,  in  the  lower  the 
priests  shared  the  rude  joys  of  the  people.  Even  the  cathedral 
clergy  were  not  ashamed  openly  to  parade  their  wives  and 
concubines. 

In  the  regular  church  conditions  were  just  as  bad  ;  monastic 
lands  lay  waste  and  the  monasteries  deserted.  The  monks, 
unable  to  withstand  the  depredations  of  the  barbarians,  had 
fled  from  their  communities.  Only  in  isolated  groups  had  a 
few  banded  together  and  attempted  to  live  by  the  rule.  Mean- 
while the  lands  of  the  abbeys  were  an  easy  prey  to  any  free- 
booting  noble  who  cared  to  annex  them.^    With  the  advance  of 

1  Sackur,  i.  87.  ^  Mabillon,  Ann.  Ben.  iii.  405.  ^  Ibid.  iii.  419. 

*  Dresdner,  Kultur  n .  Sittengeschichte  der  ital.  Geistlichkeit  in  X .  XI.  (1890). 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  61 

the  tenth  century  there  seemed  some  hope  of  amelioration,  one 
or  two  zealous  abbots  striving  to  win  back  their  old  possessions. 
They  were  too  few  in  numbers  to  succeed,  and  it  was  evident 
that  no  headway  could  be  made  without  some  strong  external 
support.  This  was  to  come  from  the  temporal  power,  from 
Alberic  of  Rome  himself,  who  but  a  few  years  before  had  been 
an  unscrupulous  oppressor  of  the  monks.  '  He  was  too  terrible,' 
wrote  a  chronicler  of  the  century,  '  and  cruelly  pressed  his  yoke 
on  the  Romans  and  the  holy  see.  He  took  over  all  the  monas- 
teries and  their  property,  and  with  them  rewarded  his  retainers.'  ^ 
But  after  he  had  driven  his  stepfather  from  Rome,  and  had  begun 
to  find  his  position  more  secure,  Alberic's  policy  changed.  From 
being  a  most  dangerous  oppressor  of  the  monks  he  became  their 
ardent  supporter.  He  had  learnt  that  by  enriching  his  supporters 
too  freely  with  monastic  possessions,  he  might  make  them  a 
menace  to  his  own  power.  At  least  so  it  appears  to  later 
historians,  though  the  chronicler  of  the  day  is  more  charitable. 
'  Accordingly,'  he  wrote,  '  our  merciful  Alberic  struck  with  the 
fear  of  the  Lord  .  .  .  began  in  all  holy  places  with  ardent 
mind  to  serve  the  servants  of  God,  and  to  give  rich  support  to 
the  monasteries.'  Political  motives  rather  than  this  sudden 
conversion  better  explain  Alberic's  change  of  policy,  which 
fortunately  had  begun  some  time  before  Odo's  first  visit  to 
Rome  (936).  Whether  or  not  Odo  believed  in  the  genuineness 
of  Alberic's  piety,  he,  seeing  his  opportunity,  was  quick  to  seize 
it.  In  the  remaining  six  years  of  life,  with  the  support  of  the 
secular  power,  he  began  the  reform  in  central  Italy.  Under 
his  direction  several  of  the  Roman  monasteries  were  rebuilt. 
Perhaps  at  Alberic's  suggestion,  perhaps  at  the  pope's,  he  first 
restored  St.  Paul's  outside  the  walls,^  which  became  his  head- 
quarters in  Rome,  and  over  which  he  placed  his  disciple  Baldwin. 

^  Benedicti  Chron.  iii,  cap.  32. 

-  Ibid.  cap.  33.  Cf.  Vita  Joanne,  i.  27,  Dum  Odo  Romam  pergeret  ut 
monasterium  intra  ecclesiam  beatissimi  Pavli  apostoli  vt  olim  fuerat,  reaedificaret 
cogente  domno  papa  et  universis  ordinibus  sacrae  aedis.  Cf.  ibid.  ii.  22,  Ibi 
denique  praeposuit  discipulum  suiun  abbatem  Balduinum. 


62  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

Next  Alberic  transformed  the  palace  on  the  Aventine  in  which 
he  had  been  born  into  the  monastery  of  St.  Mary's,^  where 
Hildebrand  was  said  to  have  been  educated.  The  monasteries 
of  St.  Lawrence  and  St.  Agnes,  both  outside  the  walls,  were 
then  restored  and  reformed.  Greater  difficulty  was  experienced 
with  St.  Andrew's  on  the  Clivus  Scaurus  ^  where  a  few  monks 
remained.  As  they  resisted  the  reform  they  were  expelled,  and 
other  monks  settled.  Alberic  restored  the  possessions  of  the 
monastery  which  had  been  appropriated  by  lay  lords.  Great 
hopes  were  entertained  of  this  abbey  which  pope  Leo  strengthened 
with  fortifications  and  towers.  Under  its  abbot  Alberic  placed 
St.  Sylvester's  and  St.  Stephen's. 

Little  more  is  known  about  the  other  monasteries  restored 
by  Alberic  in  Rome.  Probably  wherever  there  was  reform  it 
followed  the  Cluniac  lines,  for  Alberic  appointed  Odo  director 
of  the  collective  monasteries  in  Rome  and  its  neighbourhood.^ 
He  then  looked  to  Monte  Cassino,  mother  of  Western  monasti- 
cism,  the  condition  of  which  could  not  have  been  more  piteous. 
During  the  barbarian  invasions,  the  monks,  unable  to  protect 
themselves,  had  accepted  the  invitation  of  the  prince  of  Capua 
to  settle  near  his  capital.  The  few  who  remained  at  Monte 
Cassino  let  the  monastic  lands  lie  waste,  and  led  a  life  that  was 
far  from  edifying.  To  restore  Monte  Cassino  to  prosperity  would 
have  required  more  time  and  labour  than  Odo  was  able  to  spare  ; 
he  could  only  improve  its  condition,*  and  appoint  his  disciple 
Baldwin  abbot.  The  complete  reform  of  the  abbey  came  later. 
In  the  same  neighbourhood  Subiaco  was  in  a  similarly  evil  plight, 
its  lands  and  buildings  having  been  devastated  by  the  Saracens.^ 
In  936  the  buildings  were  restored  by  Alberic,  who  renewed  its 

1  Destr.  Farf.  cap.  7.  ^  Cf.  Vita  Joanne,  ii.  9. 

'■^  Destr.  Farf.  cap.  7  ;  Mon.  Germ.  xi.  p.  536,  Ut  de  Gallia  faceret  venire 
Oddonem  sanctum  abbatem  qui  tunc  temporis  Cluniacum  gubernabat  monasterium 
et  eum  archimandritam  constituit  super  cuncta  monasteria  Romae  adiacentia. 

*  Ibid.,  Cassinense  monasterium  sub  illius  magisterio  ad  normam  regularis 
ordinis  reductum  est. 

5  Sackur,  i.  103. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  63 

charters,  which  had  been  burnt.  The  pope  confirmed  them. 
Another  historic  monastery,  Farfa,  which  had  fallen  on  evil 
times,  felt  Odo's  influence.  The  monks  had  been  driven  away 
by  the  Saracens,  and  the  lands  left  desolate.  After  some  time 
several  of  the  monks  returned,  but  only  to  appropriate  the 
abbey's  remaining  property.  They  murdered  their  abbot, 
squandered  the  monastic  revenues,  and  lived  on  the  principle, 
'  Let  us  eat  and  drink,  for  to-morrow  we  die.'  Alberic  ended 
this  scandal.  According  to  one  account  he  put  Farfa  under  the 
authority  of  St.  Andrew's  on  the  Clivus  Scaurus,  according  to 
another  Odo  himself  came  down  on  the  monastery,  and  caused 
the  terrified  monks  to  flee.^  For  a  time  a  better  state  of  things 
prevailed,  but  not  for  long. 

A  more  successful  reform  was  that  of  St.  Elias',  Nepi,  given 
by  Alberic. 2  Here  Odo  appointed  Theodorardus,  one  of  his 
disciples,  abbot.  Theodorardus  had  a  hard  fight  to  keep  his 
monks  from  eating  meat.  He  had  come  well  .supplied  with 
fish,  which  his  monks  soon  finished,  and  as  there  was  no  river 
or  lake  near,  he  had  to  send  round  the  country  for  more,  '  till 
the  very  horses  which  Odo  had  given  him  were  worn  out  by 
rushing  hither  and  thither '.  Finally,  Odo's  opportune  arrival 
miraculously  caused  a  stream  to  flow  from  a  mountain  near, 
and  fish  were  kept  therein.^ 

Odo's  influence  seems  to  have  extended  as  far  south  as 
Naples  and  Salerno,  where  he  may  personally  have  supervised 
the  reform.* 

In  Benevento,  where  Alberic's  reforming  zeal  was  also  active, 
the  reform  probably  followed  the  lines  already  laid  down  by 
Odo.     In  the  North  a  new  sphere  of  activity  was  opened  to  the 

^  Destr.  Farf.  cap.  7. 

^    Vita  Joanne,  iii.  7,  Concessit  nobis  Alhericus.  ^  Ibid. 

'  Ibid.,  Praefatio.  .John  dedicates  his  life  of  Odo  to  the  monks  of  Salerno 
in  a  prologue  which  suggests  that  they  knew  Odo.  He  may  have  been  prior 
there.  In  the  story  of  Odo's  infant  nephew  he  reminds  the  brothers  that  it 
was  told  by  a  pilgrim  who  stopped  at  our  monastery  when  going  to  Jerusalem 
the  previous  year. 


64  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

Cluniacs  through  the  reform  of  St.  Peter's,  Ciel  d'  Oro,  Pavia/ 
entrusted  to  Odo  by  Hugh  of  Lombardy. 

Odo's  work  in  Italy,  aided  mainly  by  the  upper  classes, 
and  almost  entirely  dependent  on  Alberic's  support,  seems  to 
have  awakened  in  the  lower  classes  little  or  no  enthusiasm. 
That  enthusiasm  came  after,  through  the  reform  of  the  Italian 
hermits.  Yet  Odo's  work  is  striking,  for  he  was  already  fifty- 
six  years  old  when  he  began  the  reform  in  Rome.  Four  times  in 
the  remaining  six  years  of  his  life  he  went  that  difficult  journey. 

A  group  of  monasteries  in  Upper  Lorraine,  though  neither 
directly  nor  indirectly  reformed  by  the  Cluniacs,  seem  to  have 
felt  their  influence. 

In  Upper  Lorraine  the  bishops  had  retained  greater  influence 
and  power  than  in  Gaul.  The  wealth  of  the  church  was  in  their 
hands,  and  in  many  cases  the  monastic  endowments  also.  Their 
influence,  however,  made  for  political  and  social  rather  than 
spiritual  success.  The  majority  of  them  were  too  much  occupied 
in  worldly  affairs  to  welcome  a  reawakening  of  spiritual  life  or  a 
monastic  revival,  which  might  bring  with  it  a  recovery  of  monastic 
endowments.  In  that  borderland,  too,  the  disturbed  years  which 
followed  the  break-up  of  the  empire  were  not  favourable  for 
religious  revival.  But  at  last  the  unsettled  state  of  the  times 
caused  men's  minds  to  turn  with  longing  to  some  '  more  abiding 
city  '.  A  wave  of  religious  fervour  passed  over  the  land,  stirring 
up  in  particular  the  lower  clergy  who  in  the  dioceses  of  Toul, 
Metz,  and  Verdun  agitated  whole-heartedly  for  reform,  only  to 
beat  themselves  in  vain  against  the  apathy  of  the  higher  clergy 
and  bishops.  In  despair,  therefore,  many  laymen  and  priests 
withdrew  themselves  from  the  world,  some  to  seek  abnegation 
of  self  in  solitude,  others  to  work  out  their  soul's  salvation  in  the 
monastic  communities  of  more  favoured  lands.     The  most  ardent, 

1  Cf.  ibid.  i.  4.  It  was  at  Pavia  that  John  was  instructed  in  the  regular 
discipline.  Odo  first  met  him  in  Rome  two  years  before  his  death,  snatched 
him  from  earthly  affections,  and  caught  him  in  his  net.  He  accompanied  Odo 
to  Pavia,  where  the  latter  was  detained  by  king  Hugh,  and  therefore  entrusted 
John  to  the  keeping  and  teaching  of  a  certain  Hildebrand. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  65 

whose  dream  it  was  to  found  a  monastery  in  their  homeland, 
tried  hard  to  persuade  Adalbero,  bishop  of  Metz,  to  grant  them 
a  site  on  which  to  build.  They  asked  in  vain,  and  at  last  in 
despair  resolved  to  set  out  for  Italy.  It  was  then  represented 
to  Adalbero  that  the  scandal  would  be  great  if  he  let  the  best 
spirits  of  the  diocese  depart.  He  then  reluctantly  gave  them 
Gorze. 

Gorze,  an  old  and  famous  monastery,  founded  by  Chrode- 
gang,  had  degenerated,  and  then  been  destroyed  by  the  Huns 
(919).  It  was  restored,  and  monks  entered  it  (933).  For  the 
first  three  years  they  suffered  extreme  privation,  for  though  the 
bishop  held  supreme  authority  over  the  monastery  he  did  not 
trouble  to  provide  for  the  maintenance  of  the  monks.  Having 
reached  starvation  point  they  decided  to  leave,  when  they  were 
saved  by  St.  Gorgonius,  their  patron  saint,  who  appeared  to  the 
bishop  and  commanded  him  to  relieve  their  necessities.  '  Thank 
the  saint, -not  me,'  the  bishop  replied  in  exaspei*ated  honesty 
to  their  professions  of  gratitude,  '  for  not  of  my  own  will  but 
of  his  have  I  acted.'  ^  Henceforth,  along  with  its  spiritual 
renown,  the  material  prosperity  of  Gorze  increased.  Monks 
streamed  to  it  from  Greece,  England,  Burgundy,  Metz,  Toul,  and 
Verdun.  It  was  even  said  that  no  monk  knew  the  true  monastic 
life  unless  he  had  passed  some  time  '  at  the  beehive  '  of  Gorze. ^ 

This  movement  arose  in  absolute  independence  of  the  Cluniac, 
and  unlike  it  was  a  popular  movement  forced  on  those  above 
from  those  below.  Of  the  leaders  who  settled  at  Gorze  not  one 
was  of  good  family.  Most  were  of  peasant  birth,  and  only  one 
a  man  of  any  education. ^  But  all  were  inspired  by  a  frenzy  of 
asceticism  in  striking  contrast  to  the  Cluniac  moderation.  As 
time  went  on  this  extremist  phase  became  modified,  and  though 

•  Boll.  AA.SS.  Sept.  III.  p.  lUli.     Mirac  S.  Oorgonii,  cap.  7. 

-    Vila  J  oh.  (lorz.  cap.  16. 

•'  Eiiu)ld,  archdeacon  of  Toul,  was  rich,  and  distinguished  for  liis  secular 
and  spiritual  learning.  But  he  fled  from  the  world,  and  gave  up  all  his  possessions 
in  order  to  live  a  life  of  penance  in  a  small  cell  near  the  cathedral.  From  there 
he  went  to  Gorze. 


66  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

the  movement  was  always  marked  by  greater  asceticism  than 
the  Cluniac,  in  several  points  the  latter's  example  was  followed  ;  ^ 
e.g.  exceeding  fasting  was  discouraged,  and  the  same  fast  days 
adopted  as  at  Cluny  ;  in  the  recitation  of  the  psalter,  in  the 
reading  during  meals,  and  in  the  division  of  vigils  and  prayers, 
the  Cluniac  custom  was  followed.  The  extreme  submission  of 
the  monks  to  the  abbot  recalled  the  Cluniac  tradition,  as  also 
the  custom  that  the  monks'  boots  should  be  cleaned  on  the 
Saturday  evening.  ^ 

Though  Gorze  never  reached  Cluny's  importance,  it  was  the 
centre  of  a  not  inconsiderable  reform.  This  was  largely  owing 
to  Adalbero  of  Metz,  who,  from  being  a  lukewarm  supporter  of  the 
movement,  awoke  to  the  consciousness  that  it  was  better  to  swim 
with  the  tide  than  be  submerged  by  it.  In  941  he  gave  the  monks 
the  monastery  of  St.  Arnulf's,  Metz,  which  had  fallen  to  secular 
canons.  The  latter  were  expelled  and  were  replaced  by  monks, 
with  Aribert  of  Gorze  at  their  head.^  More  important,  as  extend- 
ing Gorze's  influence  to  another  diocese,  was  the  reform  of  the 
ill-famed  Senones  in  the  diocese  of  Toul  (938),  a  reform  carried 
through  by  bishop  Adalbero,  Gauzlin  of  Toul,  and  the  monks 
of  Gorze."*  A  second  monastery  reformed  in  Toul  was  Moyen- 
moutier,  given  to  the  monks  by  duke  Frederick  of  Lorraine, 
who  was  won  over  to  the  movement  by  Aribert.  Three  monks 
of  Gorze  went  there.^  One  became  abbot,  and  from  Moyen- 
moutier  reformed  Saint-Die,  which  he  placed  under  one  of  his 
monks.^  The  latter  soon  fell  into  evil  ways  and  squandered 
the  monastic  revenues  to  such  an  extent  that  duke  Frederick 
expelled  him  and  his  monks,  and  replaced  them  by  secular  canons. 

In  the  diocese  of  Liege,  owing  to  the  enthusiasm  of  bishop 

1  Hauck,  Kirchengeschichte,  iii.  357,  unlike  Sackur,  thinks  that  neither  of 
these  points  was  adopted  from  Cluny.  He  maintains,  what  seems  highly  im- 
probable, that  the  fame  of  Cluny  was  unicnown  to  Gorze;  cf.  Sackur,  i.  p.  160. 

■^  Some  of  the  monks  attributed  this  rather  to  an  old  custom  of  Gorze 
fallen  into  disuse. 

3   Vita  Joh.  Gorz.  cap.  67.  ^  Sackur,  i.  p.  166. 

5   Vita  Joh.  Gorz.  cap.  70.  ®  Sackur,  i.  p.  168. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  67 

Richer,  the  reform  met  its  greatest  success.  He,  with  the  help 
of  the  monks  of  Gorze,  restored  St.  Peter's,  Liege,^  and  Stablo 
Malmedy.2  The  former  destroyed  by  the  Normans,  the  latter 
devastated  by  the  Danes,  had  passed  to  lay  abbots.  Under 
a  former  monk  of  Gorze,  Stablo  Malmedy  arose  more  magnificent 
than  before,  a  magnificence  for  which  it  paid  dear.  Its  prosperity 
aroused  the  cupidity  of  the  lay  lords  of  the  district  by  whom 
it  was  again  despoiled. 

More  important  was  the  foundation  of  Gembloux  by  the 
warrior  Wigert.  Having  provided  for  the  building  of  the 
monastery  he  retired  to  Gorze,  where  he  took  the  habit,  and  there 
spent  the  rest  of  his  life.  Only  once  did  he  leave  Gorze  to  inspect 
the  new  monastery,  and  appoint  as  its  abbot  his  friend  Erluin, 
a  canon. ^  The  latter  met  with  some  success  in  reforming  St. 
Vincent's,  Soigniers,*  but  with  failure  at  Lobbes,  which  for  two 
years  he  struggled  to  reform.  After  that  time,  blinded  by  the 
monks,  and  with  his  tongue  pulled  out,  he  returned  to  Gembloux.^ 

^  Pertz,  Mori.  Germ.  Script,  iv.  p.  63. 

^  Sackur,  i.  p.  169. 

^  Man.  Germ,  xiii.,  Vita  Wicberti,  cap.  x. 

*  Sackur,  i.  p.  171. 

^  Gesta  abb.  Gemblac.  cap.  15. 


CHAPTER  VII 

ODO'S   LAST   YEARS   AND   DEATH — HIS   WRITINGS 

In  contrast  to  the  even  tenor  of  his  days  at  Baume,  Odo's 
life  during  the  fifteen  years  that  he  was  abbot  of  Cluny  was 
characterised  by  a  varied  activity.  Not  only  was  he  a  zealous 
reformer  in  France  and  Italy,  but  he  is  twice  found  working  in 
the  interests  of  peace  between  Hugh  of  liOmbardy  and  Alberic 
his  stepson.^  Hugh  had  received  the  Lombard  crown  in  926, 
and  through  his  marriage  with  Marozia  was  master  of  Rome. 
This  led  to  discord  with  his  stepson  Alberic,  who  in  932  rose 
against  his  stepfather  and  drove  him  from  Rome.  Hugh 
retaliated  by  besieging  the  city,  and  laying  waste  the  surrounding 
district.  Intermittent  warfare  continued  till  both  combatants 
were  exhausted,  when  Odo  was  summoned  to  Rome  by  the  pope 
to  arrange  terms  of  peace  (c.  939).^  He  was  well  fitted  for  the 
part  of  intermediary,  being  on  friendly  terms  with  both  sides. 
For  long  he  had  known  Hugh,  who  had  several  times  helped 
to  protect  Cluny 's  lands,  in  932  had  joined  his  name  to  Odo's 
in  petitioning  the  pope  to  ratify  Cluny's  charters,  and  in  934  had 

^  Flodoardi  Chron.  iii.  p.  389,  anno  942,  Domnus  Odo  abbas  pro  pace 
agenda  inter  Hugonem  regem  Italiae  et  Albricum  Romanum  patricium  apud 
eundem  regent  laborabat.  Cf.  Vita  Joanne,  ii.  9,  Tempore  praeterito  dum  Bomuleam 
urbetn  ob  inimicitiam  Alberici  iam  fati  principis  praedictus  Hugo  rex  obsideret, 
coepit  ille  intra  extraque  discurrere  ut  pacis  concordiaeque  monita  urbem  tueri  a 
tanta  obsidione.    John  probably  wrote  in  943. 

2  Ibid.  ii.  7,  Sub  idem  tempus  Italiam  missi  suynus  a  Leone  summo  pontifice 
ut  pacis  legatione  fungerem,ur  inter  Hugonem  Longobardum  regem  et  Albericum 
Romanae  urbis  principem.  John  states  that  he  first  knew  Odo  two  years  before 
the  latter's  death,  941  or  942.  Leo  VII.  died  939.  Cf.  Vita  Leonis  Bibl  Clun. 
p.  61,  Odonem  vocavit  Romam  ut  inter  Hugonem  regem  Italiae  qui  Rom  am 
obsidere  ceperat  et  Albericum  Romae  principem  pacis  componendae  sequestrem 
ageret.     Cf.  Vita  Odonis  Nalgodo,  cap.  32. 

68 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  09 

presented  the  monastery  with  Savigneux  and  Amberieu.  In 
936  Odo's  relationship  with  Alberic  began  through  the  reform 
of  the  Roman  monasteries,  and  helped  to  strengthen  the  chain 
binding  Cluny  to  Rome,  where  the  popes  were  but  the  tools  of 
the. prince.  Peace  was  sealed  by  Hugh's  giving  his  daughter 
Alda  in  marriage  to  Alberic.  But  concord  did  not  long  continue, 
and  probably  in  941  Odo  was  again  in  Rome  working  for  peace.^ 
So  in  manifold  activity  and  growing  fame  passed  the  last 
six  years  of  his  life.  '  Let  those  who  will ',  writes  John,  '  praise 
men  who  expel  demons,  make  the  dead  to  live,  and  other  men  of 
ill-famed  works.  I,  least  among  all,  will  praise  my  Odo,  first 
for  his  virtue  of  patience,  then  for  his  contempt  of  material 
things,  then  for  the  souls  he  saved,  for  his  restoration  of 
monasteries,  his  clothing,  and  feeding  of  the  monks,  the  peace 
he  gave  to  the  churches,  the  concord  to  kings  and  princes,  his 
guardianship  of  all  ways,  his  instancy  in  command,  his  persever- 
ance in  vigils  and  prayers,  his  respect  for  the  poof,  his  correction 
of  youth,  his  honour  for  old  men,  his  improvement  of  morals, 
his  love  of  chastity,  his  encouragement  of  continency,  his  pity 
for  the  wretched,  his  undefiled  observance  of  the  rule,  and 
finally  for  himself,  the  mirror  of  all  virtues.'  His  doctrine  and 
the  fame  of  his  virtues  had  made  him  celebrated  throughout 
almost  the  whole  of  Italy.  His  journeys  to  Rome  had  brought 
his  monastery  into  closer  touch  with  the  papal  see,^  and  made 
him  a  well-known  figure  in  the  holy  city,  where  the  ardour  with 
which  he  visited  the  sacred  places  became  a  tradition  for  later 
abbots  of  Cluny.  In  Rome  he  was  jestingly  called  '  the  Digger  ', 
for  so  rooted  in  him  was  the  practice  of  the  rule,  that  wherever 

^  Vita  Leonis:  Venit  abbas  sayictissimits  snaque  intercession e  hoc  obtinuit 
ut  Albericus  fiWam  Hugonis  conjugem  acciperet. 

-  Vita  Joanne,  ii.  15.  A  story  which  to  his  monks  was  a  proof  of  liis  pro- 
phetic gifts  seems  rather  proof  of  his  influence  with  the  pope.  Hearing  the 
bishop  of  Nolana  lament  that  he  had  twice  gone  to  Rome  for  the  papal 
benediction  which  his  enemies  had  prevented  his  receiving,  and  that  he  was 
going  a  third  time  though  he  feared  it  was  useless,  Odo  blessed  him  and  said, 
'  Know  of  a  surety  that  tliis  time  God  will  grant  thy  desire.'  In  fifteen  days 
the' bishop  returned  triumpliant. 


70  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

he  was,  standing,  or  walking,  or  sitting,  lie  was  ever  to  be  seen 
with  bent  head,  and  eyes  fixed  on  the  ground  ^  (Eeg.  cap.  7). 

It  was  in  Rome  that  the  hand  of  Death  touched  him.  '  The 
nearer  he  felt  his  vocation  draw  nigh,  the  more  instantly  did  he 
afflict  his  body  with  fasting,  vigils,  and  prayers,  and  the  other 
works  of  holy  virtue  ;  and  as  a  true  athlete  wrenched  his  aged 
limbs  with  hard  exercise.'  As  the  monk's  life  was  but  the 
preparation  for  death,  a  long  and  beautiful  account  of  his  death 
is  given  in  the  Vita.'^ 

When  he  felt  death  approach,  the  faithful  imitator  and  vicar 
of  the  apostles,  having  completed  his  course  of  excellent  virtue, 
longed  for  his  flesh  to  be  dissolved.  He  yearned  to  behold  St. 
Martin,  whom  he  had  drunk  in  with  his  mother's  milk,  and  who 
had  separated  him  as  another  vase  of  election  from  his  mother's 
breast.  God  was  merciful.  St.  Martin,  conspicuous  in  grace 
of  form,  appeared  to  him  and  said,  '  Oh,  holy  soul,  beloved  of 
God,  thy  call  draweth  near,  and  the  last  dissolution  of  thy 
body  approach eth.  But  I,  St.  Martin,  grant  thee  strength  to 
return  to  thine  own  land,  where  thy  life  will  be  exchanged  for 
death,  and  Christ  reward  thee  with  the  blessed  society  of  the 
elect.'  His  strength  returned,  and  thinking  nothing  of  the  hard- 
ships of  the  journey  he  started  for  Tours,  arriving  in  time  for 
St.  Martin's  Day.    His  coming  caused  double  rejoicing  in  the  city. 

*  My  imagination ',  John  continued,  '  is  unable  to  conjure 
up  his  devotion  at  the  festival,  nor  the  prayers  and  groans  he 
poured  out  to  the  saint.  Nay,  the  stolidity  of  my  mind  and  the 
rusticity  of  my  style  would  but  detract  from  the  reality.  After 
the  first  three  days  of  the  festival  he  groaned  more  and  more 
anxiously  for  his  promised  reward.  On  the  fourth  day  fever 
again  attacked  him,  and  cold  blood  flowing  from  his  heart 
consumed  his  strength.  His  vow  was  heard  :  he  grew  weaker. 
Joyfully  he  saw  God,  he  breathed,  he  sighed,  his  dying  voice 
was  heard.  "  Thou,  oh  Christ,  spare  Thy  redeemed.  Thou,  oh 
Martin,  receive  me."  ' 

1  Ibid.  ii.  9.  ^  Ibid.  iii.  12. 


THE  M0NASTP:RY  of  CLUNY  71 

From  all  parts  monks  flocked  to  his  bedside.  He  instructed 
them  and  consigned  them  to  God  with  the  prayer  of  faith, 
strengthening  them  with  his  benediction,  and  with  pious  sobs 
bidding  them  farewell.  On  December  4  that  blessed  spirit, 
refreshed  by  holy  unction,  fortified  by  the  life-giving  chalice, 
and  absolved  from  corruptible  flesh,  soared  to  the  sky,  where  with 
St.  Martin  his  master  he  presented  to  his  Maker  a  manifold 
return  for  the  talents  entrusted  to  him,  and  receiv'ed  in  Christ 
a  gracious  guerdon  for  his  pious  labours. 

Odo  may  be  called  the  first  of  Cluniac  writers  both  in  point 
of  time  and  of  importance.  The  list  of  his  works  includes  (1)  an 
abbreviation  of  the  Moralia  of  St.  Gregory  the  Great,  written  at 
Tours ;"  (2)  the  Collationes,  the  most  important  of  his  works, 
written  at  Baume  ;  (3)  the  life  of  Gerald  of  Aurillac,  wTitten  at 
Aurillac  ;  (4)  five  sermons  in  prose,  two  in  honour  of  St.  Martin, 
one  on  St.  Peter,  another  on  St.  Benedict,  a  fifth  in  honour  of 
Mary  Magdalene,  and  the  Occwpatio  sermons  in  verse  ;  (5)  a 
poem  in  twelve  hexameters  on  the  blessed  Eucharist ;  (6)  twelve 
antiphones  in  praise  of  St.  Martin,  written  on  his  deathbed  at 
Tours.  Besides  these,  four  musical  treatises  were  once  attri- 
buted to  him,  the  Tonarius,  Dialogus  or  Enchiridion,  Regulae 
Rythminachia,  Regulae  Abacus,  and  a  little  book  on  the  building 
of  organs,  of  which  the  authorship  is  uncertain.  It  would  seem 
that  his  reputation  as  a  musician  was  considerable  in  his  own  day, 
several  of  the  later  chroniclers  giving  him  the  patronymic,  Odo 
Musicus,  and  stating  that  his  chief  study  under  Remigius  at 
Paris  was  music  and  dialectics.^ 

The  most  important  of  his  books  was  the  Collationes,-  which 
he  wrote  at  bishop  Turpio's  request,  and  with  Berno's  permission. 

^  Bibl.  Chin.  p.  57  et  seq.  Sigebertus  Gerablacensis  (twelfth  century). 
*  Geslonim  Andegavensium''  (twelfth  century),  mag  ister  scholae  et  precentor  ecdesiae. 
Vincentius  Bellovacensis (thirteenth century),  Odo  musicus ...  a  Remigw  in  tnusica 
et  dialectica  .  .  .  eruditus.  ^  Chronicon  I'uronense.'' :  Odo  praecenior  erclesiae. 
"  Chronici  chronicorum' :  A  Remigio  in  musica  et  dialectica  eruditus.  *  Liber  de 
Scriptoribus  eccles. ' :  Erat  insig)>is  musicus  et  archicantor  ecclesiae  Tutonensii^. 

*  Migne,  133,  p.  518. 

^  /  6T,    MICHAEL'o 

^    \  COLLEGE 


72  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

After  obtaining  that  permission,  he  could  not  bring  himself  to 
begin  to  write.  At  last  Berno  warned  him  that  in  a  fortnight's 
time  he  must  return  to  Limoges,  so  he  set  to  work  in  earnest 
and  wrote  Book  I.  Winter  set  in  early  that  year,  and  with 
such  severity  that  his  journey  was  postponed.  Berno,  having 
read  his  manuscript,  pointed  out  that  he  had  raised  and  left 
unanswered  many  problems,  and  advised  him  to  take  advantage 
of  his  enforced  leisure  to  expand  and  amplify  his  book.  So  Book 
II.  was  written,  and  the  two  parts  submitted  to  bishop  Turpio, 
who  with  Berno  united  in  asking  for  more.  The  completed 
work  naturally  suffers  from  this  lack  of  distinct  plan  and 
definite  scheme,  and  as  a  whole  is  marred  by  repetitions,  brusque 
transitions,  and  unexpected  returns  to  subjects  already  treated. 
In  the  preface  to  Book  III.  Odo  likened  his  work  to  a  vase 
already  full.  Water  added  to  it  would  only  overflow  and  form 
drops  on  the  surface  which  would  detract  from  the  beauty  of  the 
form.  All  the  same  the  third  book,  which  is  almost  as  long  as 
the  first  two  put  together,  contains  the  most  vigorous  writing. 

The  Collationes,  one  of  the  most  famous  books  of  its  day,  was 
inspired  by  a  conversation  between  bishop  Turpio  and  the  young 
monk  over  the  evil  condition  of  the  church.  It  is  a  Jeremiad 
and  a  diatribe,  in  which  Odo  lamented  over  and  scourged  the 
sins  of  the  day.  For  the  time  was  at  hand,  and  Odo  looked  to 
the  year  1000  as  marching  towards  that  end  of  which  the 
Apocalypse  speaks. 

He  went,  not  very  deeply  it  is  true,  into  the  problem  of  evil 
in  the  world  and  its  expiation  by  suffering.  The  world  was  once 
perfect,  till  God  found  it  turning  out  evil,  and  brought  punish- 
ment and  suffering  on  men.^  Satan  brought  moral  evil  by  tearing 
God's  word  from  the  heart,  putting  pride,  lechery,  and  wicked- 
ness in  its  place.  Men  brought  on  themselves  a  third  kind  of 
evil  through  persecution,  injustice,  and  shame. 

1  Ibid.  p.  637,  iii.  52.  Nor  can  man  complain.  Cnr  Hague  asperum  creditur 
ut  a  Deo  homo  toller et  flag ella  pro  malis,  si  tanta  Dens  ab  hominibus  pertulit  mala 
pro  bonis? 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  73 

God's  creation  ruined,  the  race  which  remained  tainted  was 
divided  into  the  two  great  families  of  Cain  and  Abel.  Odo 
fulminated  against  the  evil  race  of  Cain  who  gave  themselves  to 
the  work  of  the  devil.  It  is  here  that  his  style  is  most  forcible. 
He  may  not  be  able  to  go  deeply  into  the  problem  of  the  origin 
of  evil,  but  he  is  graphic  and  telling  in  depicting  its  effects. 
Brief  and  trenchant  in  Book  III.  are  his  scathing  aphorisms 
against  the  rich  children  of  Cain.  '  Open  all  the  books  of 
antiquity  and  you  will  find  that  the  more  powerful  are  always 
the  worst.'  ^  '  Not  nature  created  the  worldly  rank  of  the 
nobility  but  ambition.'  ^  It  is  the  rich  who  grind  the  faces  of 
the  poor  ;  night  and  day  they  pass  in  feasting,  play,  drinking, 
dancing  ;  yet  the  food  with  which  they  gorge  themselves,  and 
the  sumptuous  garments  in  which  they  adorn  themselves,  are 
acquired  by  the  sweat  of  the  poor.  '  If  there  is  any  beauty  in 
such  things,  it  is  those  who  make  them  that  should  be  praised, 
as  Boethius  says,  and  not  those  who  use  them.'  ^^  It  is  the  poor 
who  sow  the  seed,  the  poor  who  garner  the  grain.  The  many 
toil  that  the  few  may  live  at  ease.  Great  will  be  the  reward 
of  the  rich  in  hell. 

Of  all  Cain's  evil  children  he  regarded  the  unworthy  professors 
of  religion  as  the  worst,  those  hypocrites  who  cover  their  sins 
under  the  cloak  of  religion.  He  denounced  the  secular  clergy 
of  his  day,  as  given  over  to  carnal  things,  swollen  by  pride, 
hardened  by  avarice,  eaten  up  by  desire,  inflamed  by  anger, 
torn  by  discord,  ulcerated  by  envy,  and  vitiated  by  luxury. 
Nor  did  the  monk  escape,  Odo,  like  Pachomius  before  him,  fore- 
seeing with  deep  grief  the  decay  and  ruin  of  the  monastic  order 
— a  result  which  would  follow  from  what  he  regarded  as  the 
greatest  evil  in  the  monastic  life  of  his  day,  the  holding  of  private 

^  Ibid.  iii.  30,  Omnes  libros  antiquitatum  considera,  potentiores  semper 
intJenies  peiores. 

-  Ibid.,  Nobilitatem  quippe  mundanam  non  natura,  sed  ambitio  praestitit. 

■'  Ibid.,  Si  qua  vero  pulchritudo  in  eis  est  aut  suavitas,  artifices  laudandi 
sunt  ul  Boetiiis  dicit  et  non  hi  qui  eis  .  .  .  utuntur  .  .  .  propriam  sibi  non 
sujjicere  produnt. 


74  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

property  within  the  monasteries.  From  this  evil  arose  the  occa- 
sion to  greed,  gluttony,  and  vice.  He  brushed  aside  the  monks' 
plea  that  they  were  forced  to  infringe  the  rule  through  the 
fault  of  their  abbots,  who  neglected  to  provide  for  the  neces- 
sities of  the  monastery.  In  that  case,  Odo  pointed  out,  they  were 
only  justified  in  keeping  sufficient  for  their  needs,  and  not  for 
the  luxuries  with  which  they  pampered  themselves.  Their  own 
greed,  and  not  only  the  abbots'  negligence,  was  at  fault. 

He  had  his  message  also  for  the  race  of  righteous  Abel — 
the  perfect,  and  the  less  perfect.  He  rejoiced  over  the  former, 
who  are  marred  only  by  small  unavoidable  sins,  who  welcome 
tribulations,  recognising  in  them  trials  to  purge  them  from  their 
faults.  He  warned  the  less  perfect,  not  to  let  their  love  for  their 
Creator  be  weakened  by  their  love  for  His  creatures,  nor  to  be 
too  much  engrossed  by  their  own  and  their  children's  future. 
Berno  had  objected  that  there  was  not  enough  said  for  the  con- 
solation of  the  elect  in  the  first  two  books.  In  the  third  Odo 
dwelt  on  the  futility  and  instability  of  earthly  joys,  the  nothing- 
ness of  beauty,  the  example  of  the  saints,  and  the  horrors  which 
the  evildoers  in  this  world  will  suffer  in  the  next. 

Like  the  other  writers  of  his  age,  Odo  used  the  imagery  of  the 
bestiary  :  the  eagle  the  symbol  of  pride  ;  the  mare  of  lechery  ; 
the  dragon  of  violence  ;  the  rich  man  who  preys  on  the  goods 
of  others  the  fish,  which,  devouring  its  smaller  neighbours,  is 
in  its  own  turn  swallowed  up  :  so  will  Satan  devour  the  rich. 
The  man  who  in  the  difficulties  of  life  lives  like  the  fathers  in  the 
desert,  he  likened  to  the  goat  feeding  among  the  mountains.  If 
the  goat  falls,  he  alights  on  his  two  horns,  and  does  himself  no 
harm.  The  wise  man,  when  he  errs,  is  saved  by  the  two  horns 
of  the  Old  and  New  Testament. 

An  earlier  work  of  Odo's,  written  when  still  at  Tours,  is  the 
abbreviation  of  the  Moralia  of  Gregory  the  Great,^  a  book  severe, 
sombre,  and  dull,  though  Odo's  quaint  and  florid  introduction 
describes  it  as  a  garden  into  which  he  entered  to  gather  flowers, 

1  Migne,  133,  p.  107. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  75 

whose  unearthly  beauty  and  wondrous  perfume  overpowered 
his  senses. 

More  interesting  is  the  life  of  Gerald  of  Aurillac,^  which  he  was 
asked  to  write  by  Aimo,  and  other  monks  and  priests.  Gerald 
had  recently  died,  and  the  many  miracles  which  had  taken  place 
at  his  tomb  were  arousing  popular  interest.  Men  questioned 
whether  this  man  who  had  lived  in  the  world,  who  had  partaken 
of  flesh  and  wine,  could  be  a  saint.  Odo  too  doubted,  till  he 
went  to  Tulle  to  collect  the  material  for  his  book.  There  he 
interviewed  four  men  who  had  known  Gerald  from  childhood, 
a  monk,  a  priest,  and  two  laymen.  Questioning  each  separately 
and  all  four  together,  he  found  that  their  witness  agreed,  and 
his  doubts  were  laid  at  rest.  Though  Gerald  lived  in  the  world, 
he  had  wished  to  be  a  monk,  and  had  only  given  up  his  intention 
when  dissuaded  by  the  bishop  of  his  diocese  ;  though  he  had 
eaten  flesh  and  drunk  wine,  he  had  done  so  in  moderation  and 
sobriety.  His  care  to  keep  his  body  chaste  and  mind  pure  was 
in  striking  contrast  to  the  customs  of  his  contemporaries.  The 
simplicity  of  his  garments  and  of  his  manner  of  life  w^as  a  rebuke 
and  example  to  the  priest  who  aped  the  great.  His  hospitality 
and  charity  were  a  lesson  to  those  who,  instead  of  receiving  the 
poor  in  their  homes,  were  content  to  distribute  alms  by  the  hands 
of  strangers.  Rich  and  powerful,  he  had  despised  ambition, 
pride,  and  outward  pomp,  keeping  his  mind  lowly,  simple,  and 
humble.  Living  in  the  world,  he  yet  in  private  life  cultivated 
the  virtues  of  the  monk.  Unable  to  be  a  monk  himself  he  had 
built  Aurillac  for  the  monk.  The  life  is  divided  into  three  parts, 
Book  I.  giving  the  facts  of  Gerald's  life.  Books  II.  and  III.  the 
miracles  which  had  taken  place  at  his  tomb.  The  life  has  also 
come  down  in  another  recension,  a  shorter  form  probably  also 
written  by  Odo.^ 

Of  the  sermons,  that  on  St.  Benedict  ^  is  perhaps  the  most  in- 
teresting, as  showing  Odo's  veneration  for  the  founder  of  his  order, 
to  him  a  second  Moses.  From  the  hard  rock  Moses  and  Benedict 
^  Ibid.  p.  C)'M).  2  2iihl  Clun.  p.  138.  =«  Migne,  133,  p.  721. 


76  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

had  brought  forth  water,  Moses  for  the  earthly  needs  of  his 
people,  Benedict  for  the  spiritual  needs  of  the  monk.  Far 
greater  was  Benedict's  glory  than  that  of  a  king,  if,  as  Solomon 
said,  the  glory  of  a  king  is  in  the  multitude  of  his  people.  What 
king  or  emperor  ever  commanded  so  many  legions  in  so  many 
parts  of  the  world  and  of  so  many  races  as  Benedict,  who  led 
the  militia  of  Christ,  of  both  sexes  and  all  ages,  sworn  volun- 
tarily to  God's  service. 

In  the  sermon  delivered  on  the  occasion  of  the  third  burning 
of  St.  Martin's  basilica  ^ — a  disaster  which  had  caused  the  scoffer 
to  scoff  and  to  murmur  that  the  saint  could  not  even  protect 
the  church  of  which  he  was  guardian — Odo  returned  to  the 
problem  of  the  Collationcs,  the  place  of  evil  in  the  divine  ordering 
of  the  world,  of  which  the  destruction  of  the  church  was  an 
instance.  He  to  whom  all  bowed  could  naturally  have  prevented 
the  disaster.  It  was  but  another  proof  of  his  love  that  he  had 
not  done  so.  Caring  nothing  that  his  glory  would  be  momentarily 
obscured  in  the  eyes  of  men,  he  had  permitted  the  burning  of 
his  church  as  a  message,  a  warning,  and  a  chastisement  for  sin  : 
and  were  not  the  lives  of  the  canons  of  Tours  such  as  to  provoke 
the  saint's  wrath  ?  Odo  urged  to  repentance  those  who  in 
their  foolishness  and  ignorance  had  reproached  the  saint,  while 
putting  before  them  a  work  in  which  all  might  participate,  the 
rebuilding  to  God's  glory  and  their  own  merit  the  basilica  which 
they  mourned. 

In  the  sermon  on  the  Magdalen  ^  Odo  pointed  out  that  as 
by  a  woman  death  came  into  the  world,  so  by  a  woman  the  glad 
tidings  of  the  resurrection  was  first  announced.  Thus  by  the 
Magdalen  the  reproach  of  the  female  sex  was  removed. 

At  abbot  Baldwin's  request  Odo  '  elucidated  and  corrected 
with  a  glossary  '  the  life  of  St.  Martin  written  by  Postumianus 
and  Gallus,^  a  task  which  caused  his  glory  to  shine  forth.  One 
evening,  he  and  a  brother,  Othegarius,  were  so  engrossed  in 
their  work  that  the  signal  for  vespers  found  them  still  writing. 
'  Ibid.  p.  729.  2  Ibid.  p.  713.  »  Vita  Joanne,  ii.  22 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  77 

Hastening  to  prayer,  they  forgot  the  book.  It  was  winter  time, 
and  that  night  there  was  such  a  storm  of  rain  that  the  cellars 
were  flooded,  and  the  place  where  the  book  had  been  left  seethed 
like  a  torrent.  Therefore  great  was  the  amazement  next  day 
when  the  news  spread  that,  though  the  margin  of  the  book  was 
soaked  through,  yet  the  writing  was  untouched.  But  to  the 
wondering  monks  the  wise  father  joyfully  cried,  '  Why  do  ye 
marvel,  oh  brothers  ?  Know  ye  not  that  the  water  feared  to  touch 
the  life  of  the  saint  ? '  Then  a  monk  ever  quick  in  speech  rejoined, 
'  But  see,  the  book  is  old  and  moth-eaten,  and  has  so  often  been 
soaked  that  it  is  dirty  and  faint !  Can  our  father  then  persuade 
us  that  the  rain  feared  to  touch  a  book  which  in  the  past  has  been 
soaked  through  ?  Nay,  there  is  another  reason.'  The  virtuous 
father,  knowing  that  the  speaker  sought  to  suggest  that  the  rain 
had  feared  to  touch  the  book  not  because  it  was  the  life  of  the 
saint,  but  because  it  was  his,  hastily  turned  aside  the  remark  to 
the  glory  of  God  and  St.  Martin. 


CHAPTER  VIII 


ODO  S   CHARACTER 


In  Odo  is  to  be  found  a  man  who  made  real  the  teaching  of 
Christ.  '  He  was ',  wrote  John, '  like  a  four-cornered  stone,  divine, 
human,  generous  and  filled  with  love.'  Most  beautiful  was  the 
relation  between  him  and  his  monks.  '  How  can  I,  unworthy 
one,  tell  fittingly  of  him  ?  Verily,  when  we  could  not  otherwise 
contain  our  souls,  we  kissed  his  garments  in  secret.  But  that 
was  not  surprising  in  us  who  were  ever  with  him.  For  even 
strangers  who  entered  our  church  to  pray,  immediately  hurried 
to  lift  and  kiss  the  hem  of  his  mantle.  And  when  with  hasty 
step  he  would  have  escaped,  they  followed  him  as  if  they  were 
persecutors.'  ^ 

Angel  messengers  watched  over  him,  as  Angelus  the  priest 
told  and  affirmed  on  oath  to  abbot  Baldwin  and  his  monks. 
One  night  at  St.  Paul's,  when  Odo,  wearied  after  nightly  Lauds 
and  his  private  prayers,  fell  asleep,  the  priest  saw  a  venerable 
white-haired  old  man  cover  him  with  a  woollen  garment.  Taking 
him  for  Feraldus,  deacon  of  the  monastery,  Angelus  was  indig- 
nant at  his  presumption  in  daring  to  act  thus  at  one  of  the 
'  incompetent  hours '.  Next  day,  when  his  anger  had  cooled, 
he  questioned  Feraldus,  who  swore  it  was  not  he.  Then  to  all 
it  was  clear  that  an  angel  messenger  had  watched  over  the 
father.2 

Other  stories  showed  that  the  divine  grace  was  ever  watching 

over  him.     Two  priests  who  had  gone  with  him  to  pray  at 

Monte  Gargano,  on  their  return  affirmed  on  oath  that,  though 

often   during    canonical   hours   he   prostrated   himself    on    the 

^   Vita  Joanne,  ii.  5.  ^  Vita  Anonyma. 

78 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  79 

ground  when  it  rained,  yet  never  did  a  drop  touch  him.  '  Pro- 
tected by  the  divine  dignity,  even  though  the  ground  was  soaked 
and  wet,  his  garments  remained  dry.'  ^  And  once  when  Odo 
and  his  monks  were  crossing  the  Alps  on  which  the  eternal 
snows  lay  deep,  he  and  his  horse  were  shot  over  a  precipice. 
Dropping  the  reins  he  raised  his  arms  to  heaven,  and  found 
between  them  the  branch  of  a  tree,  to  which  he  clung  till  help 
came.  But  never  in  that  spot  had  a  tree  been  known  to  grow  !  -^ 
And  once  when  he  was  crossing  the  Rhone,  accompanied  by  the 
chief  men  of  the  district,  one  of  the  horses  kicked  a  hole  in  the 
boat,  which  immediately  began  to  sink.  By  the  grace  of  God 
it  reached  the  bank,  and  all  landed,  Odo  last  of  all.  The  instant 
he  set  foot  on  land  the  boat  disappeared  beneath  the  waters.^ 
What  greater  testimony  of  his  merit  could  be  given,  '  since  by 
this  miracle  he  was  held  worthy  to  follow  in  the  footsteps  of 
St.  Peter,  St.  Paul,  and  St.  Benedict '.  Often  did  John  lament 
that  he  had  been  accounted  worthy  to  be  with  Jiis  master  only 
two  years,  and  often  did  envy  those  who  had  been  with  him 
all  their  lives.* 

Other  stories  throw  a  light  upon  Odo's  character.  Not- 
withstanding his  deep  sense  of  the  sin  of  the  world,  and  its 
misery,  he  set  before  his  monks  the  example  of  spiritual  joy. 
'  Such  grace  of  the  spirit  filled  him,  that  his  joy  not  only  rejoiced 
the  joyful  but  cheered  the  sorrowful ;  making  both  participators 
of  the  eternal  joy.  His  language  was  sweet  and  pleasurable, 
honey  being  as  it  were  distilled  from  his  lips,  while  the  law  of 
prudence  was  in  his  heart.'  ^  '  His  words  were  full  of  exulta- 
tion, and  often  his  remarks  would  make  us  laugh  with  too  great 
hilarity.  But  he  never  let  this  degenerate  into  excess,  and 
holding  the  reins  of  moderation  in  his  hand  he  would  check 
unseemly  mirth  by  recalling  the  precept  of  the  rule,  "  not  to 
love  much  or  excessive  laughter  "  ;  and  again,  "  let  not  the  monk 

^  Ibid.  -    Vita  Joanne,  ii.  18.  ^  Ibid.  ii.  17. 

*  Ibid.  iii.  5,  JSed  felices  illi  qui  ems  presentiain  cernere   meruerunl  quoad 
vixit.     Infelix  ego  qui  nee  duobus  expletis  annis  illi  merui  famulari. 
»  Ibid.  ii.  5. 


80  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

be  easily  or  quickly  moved  to  laughter  'V  for  it  is  written,  "  the 
fool  raiseth  his  voice  in  mirth  ".  In  these  and  similar  ways  he 
restrained  us,  while  his  spiritual  joy  rejoiced  our  hearts.' 

When  travelling  he  joyfully  uplifted  his  voice  in  the  singing 
of  psalms,  encouraging  his  monks  to  do  the  same.  If  he  met  a 
group  of  boys  he  would  ask  them  to  sing,  and  then  order  a 
reward  to  be  given  them,  for  what  was  after  all  only  their  play. 
Laughingly  he  would  say  that  for  entertaining  the  monks 
the  boys  were  worthy  of  pay.^  '  These  and  similar  speeches 
he  made  to  rejoice  us  with  his  joy,  and  refresh  us  with  the 
bowels  of  his  mercy.'  A  charming  instance  of  his  sense  of 
humour  is  seen  in  the  story  of  the  thief  who  in  the  night 
stole  a  horse  from  a  monastery,  and  who  was  found  in  the 
morning  motionless  on  a  motionless  horse.  Dragged  bound 
before  Odo,  the  latter  ordered  him  to  be  set  free,  and  five 
solidi  of  silver  to  be  given  him,  it  being  unjust,  he  gravely 
explained,  that  after  having  suffered  all  night,  the  offender  should 
receive  no  pay.^  This  story  evidently  became  the  chestnut  of 
the  monastery. 

Odo  taught  that  the  blind  and  the  lame  were  the  porters  of 
the  gates  of  paradise,  and  that  it  was  suicidal  to  drive  them  from 
the  gates.  If  a  monk,  impatient  at  the  importunity  of  a  beggar, 
answered  him  harshly  or  drove  him  away  from  the  gates,  Odo 
would  call  the  beggar  before  him,  and  say,  '  When  he  who  has 
served  thee  thus,  comes  himself  seeking  entrance  from  thee  at 
the  gates  of  paradise,  repay  him  in  like  manner.'  ^ 

Exaggerated  asceticism  he  did  not  encourage.  One  young 
brother  during  his  initiation  strove  by  weeping  and  prayer  to 
wipe  out  the  cloud  of  his  past  offences.  '  Giving  up  all  else 
he  sweated  day  and  night  in  lamentation  and  remorse.'      But 

^  Ibid.,  Monachus  non  sit  facilis  ant  jnom/ptus  in  risu.  ^  Ibid. 

'  Ibid.  ii.  10.  John  often  heard  the  story,  for  he  later  became  prior  of  the 
monastery  where  the  incident  happened  (probably  St.  Paul's,  Rome)  and 
found  that  the  thief  was  the  son  of  the  miller.  If  ever  the  unfortunate  miller 
refused  to  do  something  the  brothers  wanted,  they  bade  John  demand  the 
five  solidi  back  from  him.  *  Ibid.  ii.  5. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  81 

Odo,  skilled  physician  of  souls,  questioned  the  young  zealot  as 
to  why  he  did  not,  like  his  companions,  either  teach  or  learn  ; 
whereupon  the  novice  revealed  the  agony  of  his  heart,  and  his 
life  of  penance.  Knowing  that  if  a  monk  acts  without  the 
permission  of  his  spiritual  father  his  deeds  are  regarded  not  as 
meritorious  but  as  showing  presumption  and  vainglory,  he 
begged  Odo's  approval  of  his  manner  of  life.  But  Odo  answered  : 
'  Nay,  wait  to  become  a  monk,  till  that  spirit  which  has  goaded 
thy  mind  with  the  sting  of  vainglory  departs  from  thee.'  In  a 
year's  time  the  brother  was  found  worthy  to  be  received.^ 

One  of  Odo's  chief  characteristics  was  his  unquenchable 
charity.  He  at  least  carried  out  literally  the  Gospel  precept, 
'  Take  no  thought  for  the  morrow.'  Even  when  supplies  were 
not  plentiful,  no  counsels  of  prudence  could  check  his  alms- 
giving. Before  a  journey  he  was  careful  to  see  that  the  purse- 
bearer  had  sufficient,  not  only  for  the  needs  of  the  monks,  but 
also  for  the  poor,  and  the  latter  fund  often  encroached  on  the 
former.  Serenely  he  would  give  to  all  who  asked,  sure  that  at 
the  worst  God  would  interpose.     Nor  was  his  faith  ever  disabused. 

A  peculiarity  of  his  almsgiving  was,  that  if  any  one  poorly 
dressed  brought  him  a  gift,  he  would  ask  him  if  he  lacked  for 
anything.  If  the  answer  was  yes,  he  calculated  the  value  of 
the  gift,  and  commanded  double  the  amount  to  be  given  to  the 
donor — a  procedure  not  always  pleasing  to  the  prior  on  whom  the 
financing  ot  the  monastery  fell.^  Often,  John  confessed,  when 
he  saw  Odo  do  this  the  sight  distressed  him.  '  For  though  I  had 
compassion  on  the  poor,  yet  I  was  prior,  and  knowing  the  povertv 
of  the  monastery,  and  foreseeing  the  necessities  of  the  brothers, 
I  would  point  out  that  it  was  unjust  to  give  all  things  thus 
indiscreetly  away.  I  thought  to  act  wisely,  whereas  I  was  only 
wrapped  in  the  mist  of  darkness.  But  he,  skilled  physician 
of  souls,  put  his  finger  on  the  pulse  of  my  error  and  with  this 

^  Ibid.  ii.  14.  Benedict  did  not  encourage  individual  asceticism.  The 
monk  '  was  to  do  nothing  but  what  the  common  rule  of  the  monastery  and  the 
example  of  his  superiors  exhorts',  AVf/.  cap.  7.  '  Ibid.  ii.  4. 

G 


82  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

story  cured  the  disease  of  my  soul.'  The  story  was,  that  one 
winter's  night  a  youth  set  out  for  morning  Lauds,  and  seeing 
a  beggar  lying  half-naked  in  the  porch  of  the  church  he  covered 
him  with  his  coat.  When  he  returned  to  his  cell  half- 
frozen  with  cold  he  found  a  gift  of  gold,  with  which  he  was  able 
not  only  to  buy  a  new  coat,  but  to  give  abundantly  to  the  poor. 
A  charming  incident  of  Odo's  generosity  occurred  on  a  jour- 
ney in  Italy.  The  monks  had  set  out  well  supplied  with  funds, 
thirty  solidi  silver,  but  before  reaching  Siena  the  greater  part 
had  been  given  away.  At  Siena  there  was  famine,  and  John  the 
purse-bearer,  knowing  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  check  Odo's 
almsgiving,  and  that  as  a  result  the  monks  would  be  reduced 
to  actual  straits,  secreted  what  solidi  were  left,  and  passed  on 
first  beyond  the  town.  On  entering  Siena  Odo  was  surrounded 
by  beggars,  beseeching  that  aid  he  had  never  been  known  to 
refuse.  Immediately  he  called  for  the  purse-bearer,  to  find  him 
gone,  but  knowing  he  could  not  be  far  off,  he  told  the  beggars  to 
follow.  Nor  was  that  enough.  On  leaving  the  town  he  noticed 
three  men  just  as  poverty-stricken  as  the  beggars,  but  too  proud 
to  ask  for  help.  With  singular  delicacy  he  asked  them  what 
was  the  price  of  some  pots  of  laurel  berries  before  their  house. 
The  men  named  a  trifling  sum,  which  Odo  said  was  not  enough, 
and  that  he  would  give  them  more.  Meanwhile,  John  waiting 
beyond  the  town  was  amazed  to  see  Odo  approach,  '  like  a 
general  starting  out  for  war,  though  his  troops  were  but  beggars  '. 
So  pleased  was  Odo  at  having  outwitted  his  disciple,  that  he 
almost  forgot  to  give  the  customary  benediction  to  John's  saluta- 
tion, and  joyfully  called  out,  '  These  are  the  servants  of  God  and 
our  co-labourers,  hasten  therefore  to  give  them  their  reward.' 
Having  obeyed,  John  asked  in  real  amazement  what  the  laurel 
berries  were  for.  The  reply  came  in  words  such  as  John  never 
hoped  to  hear  again,  while  the  monks  laughed  till  they  cried.^ 

^  Ibid.  ii.  7,  Adeo  enim  ovines  exhilaravit  tit  prae  nimio  gaudio,  ne  qvis  ex 
nostris  suas  lacrymas  jyosset  continere,  iit  valeret  alter  alteri  loqui.  A  mediaeval 
joke  somewhat  difficult  to  see  :  either  Odo  chaffed  his  purse-bearer,  or  the 
monks  laughed  at  seeing  the  well-beloved  John  rebuked. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  83 

When  they  recovered,  John  humbly  begged  that  they  might 
return  the  berries,  but  this  Odo  would  not  hear  of,  lest  the 
sellers  returned  the  price.  Even  when  they  had  reached  a 
lonely  part  of  the  road  where  there  was  no  danger  of  being  seen, 
he  was  with  difficulty  persuaded  to  let  the  monks  throw  the 
berries  away. 

It  was  not  only  in  gifts  of  money  that  Odo's  generosity  showed 
itself.  On  his  journeys  if  he  overtook  a  weak  or  poor  old  man, 
he  immediately  got  off  his  horse,  made  the  other  mount,  and  with 
a  monk  to  hold  him  on,  precede  all  the  company.  '  And  though 
the  other  monks  were  on  horseback,  he  himself  would  walk  on 
foot,  joyfully  singing  psalms  and  making  the  rest  join  in.'  If 
one  of  the  monks  wished  to  dismount,  Odo  forbade  him,  knowing 
that  his  motive  was  rather  respect  for  his  abbot  than  love  for 
the  poor.^  In  this  connexion  John  tells  a  story  against  himself. 
Once  when  he  was  travelling  with  Odo  they  overtook  an  old  man 
carrying  a  filthy  sack,  full  of  bread,  onions,  leeks,  and  olives, 
whose  combined  odours  caused  John  to  flee.  Odo  as  usual 
dismounted,  gave  his  horse  to  the  old  man,  and  took  the  sack, 
a  sight  which  moved  John  to  shame.  So  he  rejoined  Odo,  who 
received  him  with  such  words  of  rebuke  and  love  that  the 
disciple,  forgetting  the  smell,  was  able  to  proceed  at  his  master's 
side.'^  Another  time  Odo  overtook  a  mad  old  woman  and  set 
her  on  his  horse,  when  immediately  she  recovered  her  reason  ! 
The  sequel  shows  why  Odo  was  so  beloved  by  the  poor.  He 
and  his  companions  went  on  to  Rome,  leaving  the  woman  at 
Siena.  Some  time  later  at  St.  Paul's,  Odo  signed  to  John  to 
give  money  to  a  woman  sitting  with  bent  head  at  the  church 
door.  John  asked  why  ;  but  the  abbot's  old  eyes  had  been 
quicker  than  the  disciple's  young  ones,  for  the  woman  was  she 
whom  they  had  succoured  by  the  way. 

As  Odo  was  sixty  when  John  first  knew  him,  these  stories  of 
his  journeys  show  that  he  must  have  been  of  great  physical 
strength.     On  the  occasion  of  the  journey  to  Siena,  for  example, 

'  Ibid.  ii.  5.  *  Ibid.  ii.  6. 


84  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

the  season  was  winter,  the  roads  bad,  and  the  crossing  of  the 
Alps  proved  terrible.  Heavy  snow  fell,  the  little  company  lost 
their  way,  and  were  so  frozen  with  cold  that  they  even  lost  the 
power  of  speech.  Odo's  suffering  wrung  John's  heart,  but  all 
he  could  do  was  to  force  the  abbot  to  wear  his  tunic.  On  their 
way  home,  when  crossing  the  Juras  at  nightfall,  they  met  a 
man  who,  with  naked  feet  and  body,  stoutly  advanced  through 
the  deep  snow.  Odo,  letting  the  monks  pass  that  they  might 
not  divine  his  intention,  stripped  off  his  mantle  and  clothed 
the  stranger.  In  that  vast  solitude  there  was  no  inn  near  ; 
but  the  stranger  said  he  would  reach  the  camp  that  day,  i.e.  in 
an  hour.  Hence  John  knew  that  he  was  no  man  but  a  fiend 
in  human  form,  since  he  was  going  to  do  in  an  hour  what  had 
taken  them  all  day.  A  dream  proved  that  he  was  right ;  all 
the  more  did  he  marvel  at  his  master's  charity,  which  extended 
even  to  the  wicked.^ 

If  a  soul  were  to  be  saved  Odo  could  be  pitiless.  Once  on 
his  way  to  Rome  he  passed  by  the  vicus  Vaduscinie,  '  where  a 
man  lived  who,  among  the  other  crimes  in  which  his  mind 
revelled,  had  shamelessly  taken  to  himself  two  wives  '.  Outside 
his  door  the  way  was  blocked  by  a  huge  heap  of  mud,  which  the 
monks  climbed  over  with  the  greatest  difficulty.  Odo  passed 
safely  and  unhurt,  his  horse  stepping  as  if  he  were  on  dry  ground. 
Seeing  this  miracle,  the  evil  man  prostrated  himself  at  Odo's 
feet,  imploring  him  to  enter  his  house.  He  consented,  when 
the  man  rushed  hither  and  thither  setting  the  tables,  doing 
service,  and  trying  in  every  way  to  please  the  father.  Seeing 
two  women  in  the  house  Odo  asked  which  was  the  wife.  When 
he  replied  '  Both ',  Odo  said,  '  I  give  you  your  choice :  banish 
the  younger  woman  or  I  leave  your  house.'  Immediately  the 
man  thrust  her  forth,  aroused  from  the  death  of  the  soul  by  the 
voice  of  the  father.^  What  happened  to  the  woman  evidently 
did  not  matter. 

Travelling  as  much  as  he  did,  Odo's  life  was  frequently  in 

^  Ibid,  ii,  8,  Non  fuisset  homo  purus.  ^   Vita  A  nonyma. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  85 

danger  J  Once  forty  robbers  rushed  at  him,  only  to  be  checked 
by  his  intrepid  bearing,  for  he  advanced  undauntedly  with  his 
monks,  nor  ceased  to  sing  the  accustomed  psalms.  This  sight 
pierced  one  of  the  robbers  to  the  heart,  and  he  cried  :  '  Let  us 
leave  them  alone  for  I  never  remember  having  seen  such  men 
before.  We  might  overcome  the  company,  but  never  their 
armour-bearer,  that  strenuous  man.  If  we  attack  them  it  will 
be  the  worse  for  us.'  When  his  companions  replied  that  they 
would  kill  the  armour-bearer,  despoil  the  others,  and  flee,  he 
rejoined,  '  Then  turn  your  arms  against  me,  for  as  long  as  I 
am  alive,  no  harm  shall  come  to  them.'  Divided  among  them- 
selves, they  wrangled  so  much  that  the  monks  passed  on  in 
safety.  But  the  first  speaker  followed  Odo,  asked  what  penance 
he  should  do,  and  thereafter  ceased  from  his  depravity. 

Another  robber  having  seen  Odo  on  a  journey,  was  struck  by 
contrition  before  the  gentleness  of  his  face,  and  begged  that  he 
might  become  a  monk.  Odo  told  him  to  briug  first  '  some 
distinguished  man  from  his  district '  to  answer  for  him.  From 
the  latter  Odo  learnt  that  the  young  man  was  a  notorious  robber. 
As  it  was  dangerous  to  have  such  a  wolf  among  his  lambs,  he  said, 
'  Go  first  and  reform  your  morals,  and  then  seek  our  monastery.' 
In  despair  the  robber  cried,  '  Father,  if  thou  reject  me  to-day 
I  shall  go  straight  to  perdition,  and  verily  from  thy  hand  God 
will  require  my  soul.'  So  the  pitiful  Odo  bade  the  young  man 
precede  him  to  CI  any,  where  after  probation  he  was  accounted 
worthy  to  be  received.  He  was  given  the  humblest  of  offices, 
that  of  servant  to  the  cellarer,  and  as  he  was  totally  ignorant 
the  monks  tried  to  teach  him.  '  Most  devout  he  was,  patient 
under  his  yoke  of  obedience,  and  fervent  in  his  study  of  the 
psalms.'  His  days  passed  laboriously  till  he  came  to  die,  when 
he  begged  to  see  the  abbot  alone.  On  Odo's  asking  whether  he 
had  transgressed  the  rule,  he  confessed  with  deep  contrition  that 
he  had  given  '  their  '  tunic  to  a  naked  man.     Worse  still,  he 

^    Vita  Joanne,   ii.    19,    Cinn    pro   pace  regnm   et   principum   et   correctione 
mona-'itenonim  imp:iiienti  amore  arderet  et  oh  hoc  hue  illncque  discurreret. 


86  THE  MONASTERY  OF  ,CLUNY 

had  stolen  a  piece  of  rope  from  the  cellar,  for  on  entering  the 
monastery  he  had  found  it  so  difficult  to  restrain  gluttonous 
desires,  that  he  had  taken  the  rope  to  tie  round  his  body.  When 
the  rope  was  removed,  so  deeply  had  it  eaten  into  the  body, 
that  the  flesh  came  away  with  it.  But  the  monk's  pain  was  to 
him  as  a  very  little  thing,  for  that  night  he  saw  a  woman  of 
glorious  person  and  excellent  power,  who  said  she  was  the 
Mother  of  Mercy.  True  to  his  training  in  obedience  he  asked 
what  she  would  have  him  do,  and  learnt  to  his  joyful  amaze- 
ment that  he  was  to  join  her  in  three  days.  Three  days  later 
he  died,  sure  proof  that  his  words  were  true.  Ever  after  Odo 
called  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mater  Misericordiae} 

Two  stories  tell  of  illness.  Two  monks,  whose  names  John 
thought  it  better  not  to  insert,  suffered  from  a  fatal  disease,  and 
often  begged  Odo  to  let  them  try  medicine.  At  last  he  consented, 
though  speaking  in  a  parable  he  warned  them  that  he  had  seen 
a  monk  who,  suffering  from  the  same  disease,  took  medicine 
only  to  be  tortured  with  pain.  They,  not  understanding  that 
he  referred  to  them,  took  the  medicine,  suffered  great  agony, 
nor  ever  recovered. ^  Another  monk  at  Rome,  forced  by  neces- 
sity, bled  himself  at  an  '  incompetent '  hour,  though  terrified 
and  remorseful  because  he  had  been  unable  to  ask  Odo's  per- 
mission. And  indeed  the  blood  poured  forth  with  such  impetus 
that  the  vein  burst  and  no  remedy  could  save  him  !  ^  The  monks 
of  that  monastery  said  that  whatever  Odo  foretold,  good  or 
bad,  always  came  true. 

A  rather  charmingly  told  incident  shows  how  news  was 
carried  in  those  days.  John  had  gone  to  Naples  on  the  business 
of  his  monastery,*  whence  he  hastened  to  return  to  Rome.  At 
Porto  he  was  received  by  certain  noble  men  who  had  arrived 
from  Rome  that  day.  He  immediately  asked  them  about  his 
beloved  master.     They,  rejoicing  as  if  over  a  friend,  told  him, 

1  Ibid.  ii.  20.    According  to  one  MS.  Odo  ordered  the  monk  to  be  whipped 
for  his  theft.     When  he  returned  to  see  him  next  day  the  monk  told  his  vision. 

2  Ibid.  ii.  14.  •■*  Ibid.  iii.  5. 

*  Ibid  ii.  21,  Cogente  necessitate  nostri  monasterii  missus  sum  Neapolim. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  87 

inter  alia,  the  following  story.  On  Assumption  day  Odo,  who  was 
staying  at  St.  Mary's,  Aventine,  was  asked  by  the  abbot  and 
monks  to  say  mass.  He  refused,  but  when  they  insisted  he 
entered  the  church.  After  praying  for  a  little  time,  he  hastily 
turned  to  leave,  and  when  they  tried  to  retain  him,  he  cried,  '  I 
beseech  you  let  me  go,  for  two  of  our  brothers  are  at  the  point  of 
death,  and  I  must  hasten  to  them  lest  they  die  in  my  absence. 
Behold,  lie  who  is  sent  for  me  is  at  the  gate.'  Scarcely  had  he 
finished  speaking  when  the  messenger  arrived  ! 


CHAPTER  IX 

AYMARDUS,   THIRD   ABBOT   OF   CLUNY 

Odo's  successor  was  Aymardus,  of  whom  unfortunately  little  is 
known.^  No  biography  was  written  of  him,  and  what  informa- 
tion we  possess  comes  from  scanty  references  in  the  Vita  Odonis, 
Vita  Maioli,  and  in  later  chronicles. 

Aymardus  must  have  been  appointed  Odo's  coadjutor  and 
successor  as  early  as  938,  a  charter  of  that  date  ^  giving  his  name 
as  abbot,  though  Odo's  death  did  not  occur  till  942.^  It  is 
easily  intelligible,  that  the  frequency  of  Odo's  absences  from 
Cluny  and  his  multifarious  activity  made  the  presence  of  a  co- 
adjutor at  the  Mother  house  necessary. 

According  to  the  Vita  Maioli,  Aymardus  was  not  the  first 
choice  of  the  brothers,  who  twice  begged  Hildebrand,  their 
prior,  to  become  abbot,  but  he  refused,  '  preferring  rather  to 
obey  than  to  command '.  A  legend  of  the  eleventh  century 
tells  that  Aymardus  was  chosen  abbot  on  account  of  his  humility. 
On  the  day  of  the  election  he  was  seen  entering  the  monastery 
leading  his  horse,  which  was  laden  with  fish.  So  struck  were  the 
brothers  by  this  sight  that  they  immediately  elected  him  abbot. 
In  the  charters  the  adjective  humilis  nearly  always  precedes  his 
name. 

^  Brue],  i.  217  (anno  920).  A  certain  Aymardus,  miles  clarissivius,  gave 
Cluny  the  curtis  Silviniacus  with  its  church  and  all  pertaining  to  it,  i.e.  houses, 
vineyards,  fields,  meadows,  and  half  a  forest.  Ibid.  i.  443  :  an  Aydoardus 
gave  land  in  the  province  of  Macon.  Ibid.  i.  460  :  A.  gave  land  in  the  province 
of  Autun,  anno  936,  Ibd.  i.  474  (anno  937):  Aydoardus  a  priest  gave  a 
chapel  to  Cluny. 

2  Ibid.  i.  486,  Ad  Chin,  ubi  dominus  Heymardus  abbas  preesse  videtur. 

2  Ibid.  534  (anno  941),  Clun.  ubi  preest  Oddo  abbas;  cf.  ibid.  1.  537  (anno 
941),  sub  qua  congregation  e  Heymardus  abbas. 

88 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  89 

In  the  Vita  Maioli  ^  there  is  a  passage  about  Aymardus 
which  runs  :  '  Aymardus,  son  of  happy  memory  and  blessed 
simplicity  and  innocence,  was  zealous  in  increasing  the  property 
of  the  monastery  and  in  acquiring  material  goods.  Besides  this 
he  was  devoted  in  the  observance  of  the  rule.'  Rodulf  Glaber 
described  him  as  a  simple  man,  who  though  not  as  famous  as  the 
other  abbots  of  Cluny,  yet  like  them  carefully  upheld  the  regular 
discipline.^ 

Perhaps  Odo's  rule,  though  making  for  the  spiritual  renown 
of  the  abbey,  had  somewhat  neglected  the  material  interests. 
Here  Aymardus'  practical  gifts  came  in,  the  more  so  as  after 
Odo's  death  many  gifts  of  land  were  presented  to  the  monastery. 
To  deal  with  these  donations  required  organising  talent  which 
Aymardus  evidently  possessed. 

In  his  latter  years  Aymardus  became  blind,  '  an  affliction 
which  he  bore  without  a  murmur  as  he  did  all  his  other 
adversities '.  It  was  probably  on  account  of  his  blindness  that 
after  sixteen  years  of  rule  he  retired  from  active  participation 
in  the  administration  of  the  monastery.  His  blindness  was  the 
occasion  for  an  instance  of  '  marvellous  humility  '  of  which 
Peter  Damiani  wrote  to  a  friend.  After  Maiolus  was  appointed 
coadjutor  and  successor,  Aymardus  withdrew  to  the  infirmary 
to  spend  his  last  years  in  peace.  One  day  he  wanted  a  cheese. 
When  he  asked  the  cellarius  to  fetch  it,  the  latter  roughly  replied 
that  so  many  abbots  were  a  nuisance,  and  that  he  could  not 
attend  to  all  their  commands.  Cut  off  by  his  blindness  Aymardus 
brooded  over  the  insult  as  the  blind  are  wont  to  do.  Then  he 
asked  to  be  led  to  the  chapter  house,  where  approaching  Maiolus 
he  said  :  '  Brother  Maiolus,  I  did  not  set  thee  over  me  that 
thou  shouldest  persecute  me,  or  order  me  about  as  a  master  orders 
a  slave,  but  that  as  a  son  thou  mightest  have  compassion  on 

^  Bihl.  ('l)!)i.  p.  209,  Vltfi  Maioli  Odilotie,  Hie  in  niK/inentatione  irraediorum 
et  adqui.^itione  temporalis  com  modi  adto  studiosus  Juii  ei  in  ob.^ervatione  satis 
devotus. 

'"*  Ibid,  Rod.  (rlab.  iii.  5,  Vir  simplex  qui  licet  non  adro  fa mo.'ii-'i.'fi m x.'^,  rrgularis 
lamen  observantiae  non  impnr  ciisfos. 


90  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

thy  father/  After  many  more  words  he  concluded,  '  Art  thou 
indeed  my  monk  ?  '  Maiolus  replied  that  he  was,  and  never 
more  so  than  at  that  moment.  '  If  that  be  so,'  Aymardus 
rejoined,  '  give  up  thy  seat  and  take  the  one  thou  hadst  before.' 
Immediately  Maiolus  obeyed,  and  Aymardus  seating  himself 
on  the  abbatial  chair  accused  the  cellarer,  whom  prostrate  on 
the  ground  he  rebuked  and  enjoined  to  do  penance.  Then 
descending  from  the  abbot's  throne  he  ordered  Maiolus  to 
ascend,  which  the  latter  did  without  either  haste  or  delay.^ 

The  one  event  in  Aymardus'  life  of  which  there  is  a  sufficient 
account  is  that  of  his  retirement. ^  He  was  ill,  weak,  blind, 
weary,  and  worn  out  with  his  struggles  ;  he  knew  that  Maiolus 
shone  in  good  deeds  and  was  raised  to  the  heights  on  the  wings 
of  virtue.  So  he  called  the  brothers  together  and  exhorted  them 
to  choose  a  new  abbot,  as  he  in  his  blindness  could  no  longer 
watch  over  the  interests  of  the  monastery.  The  monks  did  not 
know  what  to  reply,  till  he,  by  divine  inspiration,  urged  them  to 
elect  Maiolus,  as  alone  fit  for  the  charge. 

Nalgoldus  ^  in  his  Vita  Maioli  expands  this  account  and 
makes  Aymardus  say  :  '  111,  blind,  and  weary,  I  can  no  longer 
be  responsible  for  the  interests  of  the  monastery,  nor  fittingly 
watch  over  its  welfare.  For  it  is  well  known  that  not  only  is 
the  spirit  of  bravery  in  soldiers  derived  from  their  king,  and 
their  courage  from  his  magnanimity  and  boldness,  but  that  if 
he,  their  leader,  is  remiss,  they  too  lose  their  virtue.  The 
health  of  the  whole  body  is  in  the  head,  and  if  it  is  sound,  so  are 
the  members.  If  the  king  loses  courage,  all  his  followers,  even 
the  strongest  and  most  manly,  are  overcome  with  womanly 
fears.  If  the  head  is  injured  the  whole  body  suffers.  Now  I 
who  lead  you  in  the  celestial  militia  before  the  whole  church, 
watch  over  your  welfare  as  your  head.  I  am  old,  infirm,  blind, 
and  cannot  longer  retain  this  responsibility.  Exercise,  therefore, 
your  discretion  and  choose  a  father  who  will  lead  you  in  the  way 

1  Bihl.  Clun.  p.  269.  ^  Migne,  137,  p.  751,  Vita  Maioli  Syro,  ii.  2. 

3  AA.8S.  Boll.  May  II.  p.  658. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  91 

of  God,  and  as  a  column  of  light  in  the  night  of  offence  direct  your 
steps.  For  if  a  ship  without  a  rudder  cannot  reach  port  neither 
can  your  souls  without  a  pilot.' 

Suffering  as  he  did  from  ill  health  and  blindness,  Aymardus 
could  not  have  been,  even  had  he  wished,  the  indefatigable 
traveller  and  reformer  that  Odo  was.  We  only  know  of  two 
monasteries  that  came  under  Cluny's  jurisdiction  when  he  was 
abbot.  The  first  was  Celsiniacus  (Sauxillanges  ^),  founded  by 
count  Acfredus  (927),  and  given  to  Cluny  by  Stephen,  bishoj) 
of  Clermont  (950),  who  with  his  father,  and  his  father's  wife, 
called  Aymardus  to  Sauxillanges.  Aymardus  was  to  send 
monks  there.  No  services  nor  dues  were  to  be  required  of  them, 
nor  on  the  occasion  of  an  episcopal  visitation  was  there  to  be 
any  attempt  at  usurping  rights  over  the  monastery. ^  Louis  IV., 
king  of  the  Franks,  at  the  bishop's  request,  confirmed  Cluny's 
possession  of  Sauxillanges. 

In  958  Conrad,  king  of  Burgundy,  at  the  request  of  Boso, 
count  of  Provence,  gave  Cluny  the  abbey  of  St.  Amand's,  near 

^  Bruel,  i.  286.  The  charter  of  gift  is  obscure  and  the  Latin  faulty. 
Acfredus,  duke  of  Aquitaine,  pondering  on  human  frailty  and  lioping  that  by 
the  gift  of  a  small  portion  of  the  land  granted  him  b}^  God,  his  sins  might 
be  remitted,  gave  to  God  the  curtis  Celsiniacus  with  its  fields,  vineyards, 
woods  appendariae  (i.e.  rustic  buildings  of  small  value. — Ducange),  five  mills, 
the  woodland  where  he  hunted,  his  own  house,  two  churches,  and  everything 
which  belonged  to  the  curtis  in  various  districts  :  i.e.  three  churches,  seven 
vineyards,  and  a  long  list  of  manors,  houses,  and  appendariae.  At  Celsiniacus 
a  house  of  religion  was  to  be  built,  subjected  neither  to  count,  bishop,  abbot,  an}'^ 
of  the  count's  relations,  any  mortal  ruler,  any  saint  nor  angel  spirit,  but  to  God 
and  the  Trinity  alone.  The  servants  [ministri)  of  God  sent  there  were  to  have 
no  rector  over  them,  no  judicial  power  was  to  use  force  against  them,  molest 
them,  nor  take  unjust  dues  from  them.  They  were  to  put  their  trust  in  God 
only,  and  their  serfs  and  coloni  if  accused  or  interrogated  were  to  seek  no 
other  protector  than  Christ  and  the  servants  of  God  there  :  at  one  point  these 
servants  of  God  are  called  clerici,  at  another  monachi.  The  gift  was  made  in 
honour  of  the  twelve  apostles,  therefore  twelve  canons  were  unwcariedly  to 
l)ray  day  and  night  for  the  church,  and  for  the  remission  of  the  sins  of  the 
count  and  of  all  the  faithful.  The  scheme  was  evidently  found  impracticable, 
but  under  Cluny  Sauxillanges  rose  to  great  fame. 

-  Bruel  i.  792,  Ant  quodlihet  sen'itium  vel  debituin  ab  ipsius  loci  potestate 
pro  qiialicumquc  ingenio  exigere,  sen  occasiotie  episcopatus  aliquid  illic  ivivstc 
ordinare  nee  sue  rei  potentatu  quiddam  dominare.  The  bishop's  father  had  been 
the  count's  almoner. 


92  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

St.  Paul-Trois-Chateaux,  for  lie  felt  that  if  he  were  zealous  in  the 
restoration  and  care  of  ecclesiastical  things  he  would  not  only 
rule  on  earth,  but  in  heaven  receive  an  eternal  reward  ;  also 
that  the  nearer  the  day  of  death  came,  the  more  urgent  he  should 
be  in  doing  good.  No  count  or  magnate  was  to  interfere  with 
St.  Amand's  or  its  property,  which  was  to  be  held  for  the  use 
of  the  monks  alone. ^  Next  year  Lothair,  king  of  the  Franks, 
at  his  mother's  request  also  confirmed  Cluny's  possession  in  a 
charter  which  stated  that  St.  Amand's  was  a  ruined  house 
without  rector es,  and  situated  in  an  uninhabited  district.  The 
monks  were  to  build  there,  according  to  their  skill,  a  '  habitable 
place ',  and  to  hold  the  property  :  vills,  meadows,  vineyards, 
woods,  waters,  and  serfs  of  either  sex.^ 

After  he  had  been  seven  years  sole  abbot  of  Cluny,  Aymardus 
received  a  charter  from  a  pope  Agapitus  ^  (sic),  because  Cluny 
was  one  of  those  holy  places  to  which  reverence  was  due  (949). 
The  monastery's  liberties  and  privileges  were  confirmed,  and  its 
freedom  from  the  domination  of  king,  bishop,  count,  or  relative 
of  duke  William  the  founder.  The  monks  were  freely  to  elect 
their  own  abbot  without  consulting  any  prince.*  No  bishop, 
count,  nor  other  person  was  to  enter  the  monastery,  nor  give 
orders,  without  the  abbot's  permission.  Tenths  which  formerly 
belonged  to  the  monastery's  chapels,  and  by  the  '  modern 
authority  '  of  any  bishop  had  been  taken  away,  were  restored 
in  their  entirety.  Bishop  Berno's  decree  over  tenths  from  their 
churches  was  to  stand.  If  any  new  chapels  were  built  there,  tenths 
of  Cluny's  churches  were  not  to  be  diminished.  Part  of  those 
tenths  and  part  of  the  returns  from  the  vineyards  and  cultivated 
land  belonging  to  the  above  churches  could  be  retained  for  the 

1  Ibid.  ii.  1052.  -  Ibid.  ii.  1057. 

''  Bibl.  Clun.  p.  27.3.  It  behoved  the  apostolic  authority  to  receive  with' 
benevolent  compassion  the  vows  of  those  who  humbly  approached  it,  and  with 
swift  devotion  to  answer  their  prayers.  In  return  the  greatest  reward  would 
be  given  by  the  Maker  of  all  :  therefore  the  pope  granted  Aymardus'  petition 
that  Cluny  should  continue  in  that  state  which  was  decreed  in  duke  William's 
will. 

*  Nisi  forte,  quod  nb'^it,  personam  suis  vitiis  consentientem  eligere  mahierirtt. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  93 

hospitale.  No  one  was  to  seize  or  attack  the  monastery's 
municijpia  or  property.  Its  possession  of  Sauxillanges,  Carus 
Locus,  the  abbeys  of  St.  John  and  St.  Martin,  Macon,  the  church 
of  St.  Saturn  with  its  alod  (tlie  gift  of  archbishop  Gerald), 
with  other  churches,  vills,  and  alods,  was  also  confirmed.  To 
show  that  it  behoved  the  Holy  See  to  guard  and  cherish  Cluny 
the  monks  were  to  pay  Rome  ten  solidi  every  five  years. ^ 

Besides  the  papal,  Aymardus  received  several  royal  charters. 
Three  were  granted  by  Louis,  king  of  the  Franks,  at  the  request 
of  Hugh,  duke  of  the  Franks,  Hugh,  duke  of  Burgundy,  and 
count  Letaldus,  names  that  show  Cluny  to  have  had  influential 
friends.  In  946,  the  three  nobles  begged  the  king  to  ratify  the 
gift  of  St.  John's,  Macon, ^  with  its  alods,  lands,  and  serfs  (con- 
firmed three  years  after  in  the  papal  charter,  see  supra).  Later 
in  the  same  year  they  begged  for  the  ratification  of  another  gift, 
a  vill  with  its  vineyards,  fields,  meadows,  woods,  rivers,  waters, 
fisheries,  serfs,  and  coloni  with  their  children  \  ^  and  finally 
for  the  confirmation  of  Cluny's  possession  of  Carus  Locus,  the 
cella  Regniacus,  and  abbey  St.  Martin's,  Macon,  with  all  belonging 
to  them  :  churches,  vills,  vineyards,  fields,  meadows,  woods, 
waters,  serfs.*  Duke  Hugh  and  count  Letaldus  had  influence 
also  with  Louis'  successor,  Lothair,  who  (955)  at  their  request 
reconfirmed  ^  Cluny's  liberties  and  privileges,  '  as  conceded  by 
former  Frankish  kings '.  The  castrurn  of  the  monastery  was  to 
remain  immune  and  subject  to  the  monks  alone,  none  daring  to 
exercise  judicial  power  within  or  without  its  circle,  unless  with 
their  sanction.  The  monastery's  property  and  possessions  were 
to  be  held  freely  with  no  interference  from  outside  authority, 
as  former  charters  had  decreed. 

^  Any  one  who  did  not  observe  the  charter  was  to  be  bound  with  the  chain 
of  anathema,  ahenated  from  the  kingdom  of  God,  and  tortured  eternally  by 
the  devil. 

2  Bruel,  i.  688.  =*  Ibid.  i.  689.  *  Bibl.  Cliui.  277. 

^  Bruel,  ii.  980,  '  If  we  strengthen  holy  places  by  our  royal  authority, 
without  doubt  we  shall  receive  an  eternal  reward.  .  .  .  Assenting  benignly 
to  their  request  as  is  the  custom  of  kings,  we  confirm  whatever  is  known  to 
liave  been  granted  Cluny  by  former  kings  of  France,  saving  the  apostolic  right,* 


94  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

In  those  early  years,  the  kings  of  Burgundy  continued  to 
favour  Cluny.  In  943  Conrad,  at  the  request  of  his  relative 
count  Hugh,  ceded  to  Cluny  a  vill  with  its  churches,  and  the 
little  vills,  lands,  vineyards,  meadows,  woods,  pasture  lands, 
waters,  and  serfs  belonging  to  it.^  The  same  year,  again  at 
count  Hugh's  request,  he  ceded  to  Cluny  another  vill  which 
Hugh  had  given  him,^  with  everything  belonging  to  it.  Still, 
in  943,  he  supported  the  monks  against  his  relative  Charles  of 
Vienne,  who  had  disputed  Cluny's  right  to  the  abbey  of  Carus 
Locus.  The  monks  proceeded  to  Vienne  and  in  the  presence 
of  the  king  pleaded  against  Charles,  who  finally  acknowledged 
his  error  and  signed  Cluny's  charter  of  possession.  This  was 
countersigned  by  the  king,  at  whose  command  the  decision  of 
the  case  was  written  down.^  Carus  Locus  proved  a  precarious 
possession.  A  certain  Sobbo  held  it  for  some  time.  The  monks 
again  went  to  court,  when  Sobbo,  convinced  by  the  high  authority 
on  which  their  claim  was  based,  '  broke  the  reins  of  his  cupidity 
and  withdrew  his  case  '  (948).  For  the  monks  proved  that 
Carus  Locus  had  belonged  to  Robert,  bishop  of  Valence,  who  built 
the  monastery,  and  put  it  under  the  papal  guardianship.  By 
the  pope  it  was  given  to  Odo  of  Cluny,  as  its  charters  ratified  by 
kings  Hugh,  Lothair,  and  pope  John  XL  testified.  Sobbo  made 
his  retraction  handsomely.  Insatiable  greed  caused  men  to  steal. 
He,  Sobbo,  was  a  sinner.^ 

A  miserable  sinner  (remembering  that  now  was  the  accepted 
time,  etc.),  whose  father  had  left  Cluny  property  which  he  through 
greed  had  withheld,  at  last  recognised  his  sin,  and  with  his  wife's 
consent  gave  all  with  goodwill  to  St.  Peter,  i.e.  a  church  with 
its  vill  and  seven  other  vills,  another  church  with  the  manor 
attached  to  it,  serfs,  land,  mills,  meadows,  houses,  moveables 
and  immoveables.  In  reparation  he  also  gave  an  alod  of  his 
own  and  hoped  that  God  would  forgive  his  sins,  let  him  escape 
hell,  and  gain  heaven.^ 

1  Ibid.  i.  627.  2  Ibid.  i.  628.  »  Ibid.  i.  622.  *  Ibid.  i.  730. 

^871  (954).     The  preamble  is  the  same  as  i.  726. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  95 

Of  the  other  charters  the  majority  deal  with  exchanges  of 
land,  evidence  of  Aymardus'  good  management  and  his  care  to 
round  off  Cluny's  property.  The  charters  dealing  with  these 
and  with  gifts  of  land  follow  the  customary  formulae.  Several 
deal  with  disputes.  In  one  case,  heard  before  count  Leotbald, 
his  retainers,  and  the  viscount,  two  men  disputed  Cluny's 
possession  of  a  vineyard.  To  vindicate  their  rights  the  monks 
sent  two  advocati,  who  in  front  of  the  church  of  Macon  success- 
fully pleaded  their  suit,  and  proved  that  the  vineyard  belonged 
to  St.  Peter. 

Before  the  glorious  marquis  Hugh,  the  monks  sued  Ademar, 
viscount  of  Lyons,  for  taking  property  assured  to  them  by  royal 
charter.  When  Ademar  learnt  that  his  senior  was  on  their  side, 
and  that  their  charter  of  gift  had  been  signed  by  the  king,  he 
renounced  his  claim  and  bound  himself  before  Hugh  not  to 
offend  again. 

The  chief  monks  of  Cluny,  i.e.  Hildebrand,  Leotbald,  and 
many  others  appeared  before  count  Leotbald,  bishop  Maimbod, 
viscount  Walter,  and  their  retainers,  to  accuse  a  certain  Hugh,^ 
who  held  two  churches  bequeathed  to  Cluny  by  the  late  duke 
William  of  Aquitaine,  and  other  property  which  had  passed  from 
the  countess  Ava  to  her  brother  the  duke,  and  from  him  to 
Cluny.  Hugh,  in  the  presence  of  all,  stood  up  and  protested  that 
the  property  belonged  to  him  by  deed  of  gift  from  his  mother, 
and  showed  the  charter  signed  by  his  senior,  Leotbald.  Judge- 
ment was  given  that  this  plea  was  not  valid,  and  that  if  he 
could  not  advance  further  evidence  he  was  to  restore  what  he 
had  taken.  He  thereupon  admitted  St.  Peter's  right  and  with- 
drew his  claim. 

Count  Leotbald  and  his  wife  gave  an  alod  with  an  ecdesia, 
vineyards,  meadows,  woods,  pasture,  mills,  houses,  water,  serfs, 
the  whole  to  revert  to  Cluny  when  either  he  or  his  wife  died, 
but  for  which  till  then  they  were  to  pay  two  solidi  annually. 
Wherever  the  count  died,  the  monks  were  to  fetch  his  body  and 

1  Ibid.  i.  GoO. 


96  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

bury  it  at  Cluny.^  Later  they  gave  a  manor  with  a  church  and 
everything  belonging  to  it  except  one  alod  and  a  plantation 
of  trees.  The  count  was  to  hold  it  in  usufruct  for  his  lifetime,^ 
paying  the  monks  twelve  denarii  annually.  He  finally  gave 
another  church,  eleven  manors,  and  thirteen  servants  (servientes).^ 

Several  gifts  came  from  bishops.  Maimbod,  bishop  of  Macon, 
gave  a  curtiliis,  with  old  vineyards  part  sown  with  grain,  five 
fields,  a  meadow,  and  half  a  wood*  (947).  In  945  ^  and  in  953  ® 
he  exchanged  land.  In  956  when  he  was  holding  a  synod, 
surrounded  by  a  multitude  of  clerks,  nobles,  and  laymen,  Hilde- 
brand  and  Maiolus,  with  other  monks  of  Cluny,  came  before  him, 
and  humbly  begged  him  to  give  them  tenths  of  two  churches 
which  belonged  to  his  cathedral,  and  to  allow  that  the  churches 
with  their  tenths,  property,  and  everything  belonging  to  them, 
might  always  and  without  opposition  be  secured  for  their  use. 
The  bishop,  having  consulted  his  archdeacons  and  clerks, 
assented,  '  without  any  gift  having  passed  between  the  parties  '.  '^ 
He  also,  at  the  request  of  Aymardus  and  count  Leotbald, 
consecrated  a  chapel  dedicated  to  the  confessor  Taurinus  and 
built  by  the  monks  in  a  vill  which  they  had  received  from  kings 
Rudolf  and  Louis.^  A  nice  discrimination  was  evidently  necessary 
on  such  occasions,  the  bishop  having  first  diligently  inquired 
(1)  whether  the  chapel  recently  founded  would  prejudice  other 
churches,  (2)  would  be  of  advantage  to  all  Christians  who 
cherished  Christ  in  their  hearts  and  the  aforesaid  confessor. 
The  chapel  was  to  be  endowed  by  the  monks  with  a  colonia, 
three  serfs,  and  a  field  (950). 

An  archbishop  Gerald,  oppressed  by  the  enormity  of  his 
sins,  bequeathed  all  his  possessions  to  Cluny,  remembering 
'  that  now  is  the  appointed  time,  now  is  the  day  of  salvation ', 

1  Ibid.  i.  625. 

-   Ibid.  i.  655,  Mansus  indominicatus.  ^  Ibid.  i.  768. 

4  Bruel,  i.  707.  ^  Ibid.  i.  667.  «  Ibid.  i.  842. 

'Ibid.  ii.  1000,  Vice  domni  abbatis  Eymardi  et  reliquorum  monachorum 
Cluniaco  degentium. 

^  Ibid.  i.  780,  Nee  congruum  erat  ut  tarn  gloriosus  confessor  et  sinceUite 
inihi  commoranfes  diu  sine  benedictione  episcopali  persisteret. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  97 

i.e.  a  church  with  three  vills  and  islands,  a  manor,  lands,  and 
houses  in  various  districts.  He  intended  to  take  the  habit  at 
Cluny,  hoping  thereby  to  escape  the  flames  of  hell,  and  to  gain 
the  celestial  kingdom  ^  (948).  Manasses,  archbishop  of  Aries, 
reflecting  on  the  enormity  of  his  sins,  fearing  the  last  secret  judge- 
ment, remembering  that  now  was  the  accepted  time,  and  that  as 
he  could  do  ;io  good  after  death  it  was  wise  to  do  good  to  those 
who  without  doubt  would  judge  souls  in  the  future,  gave  property 
to  Cluny,  '  where  Aymardus  rules  with  pious  moderation  '  :  i.e. 
Juilly  with  three  churches,  vineyards,  meadows,  plains,  pasture, 
woods,  water,  cultivated  and  uncultivated  ground,  buildings  and 
serfs. 2  Burchard,  archbishop  of  Lyons,  consented  to  Aymardus' 
request  that  the  services  due  to  the  cathedral  from  two  of  the 
Cluniac  churches  should  be  reduced.  For  the  parish  had  lost  in 
numbers  owing  to  its  men  having  become  vassals  and  to  the 
unsettledness  of  the  times.  The  archbishop  recognised  the 
justice  of  this  plea.^  The  bishop  of  Grenoble  was  not  behind. 
In  his  diocese  no  synodal  service  was  to  be  required  from  the 
monks  except  the  customary  wax. 

A  few  churches  were  given  by  laymen.  A  woman, 
for  her  father's  and  son's  souls  gave  a  church  with  tenths, 
preshiteratus ,  parochia,  and  all  belonging  to  it.*  Three 
brothers,  wishing  to  save  their  own  and  their  parents'  souls 
from  hell,  gave  a  chapel  with  all  belonging  to  it,  i.e.  vineyards, 
meadows,  fields.^  A  donor  and  his  wife  weighed  down  by  their 
sins,  but  hoping  that  the  pious  and  merciful  God  would  save  them 
and  their  relatives  from  the  jaws  of  hell,  and  that  they  might 
merit  to  be  set,  not  with  the  impious,  but  with  the  elect,  and  hear 
the  words,  '  Come,  ye  blessed  ',  gave  a  vill  with  its  chapel,  fields, 
woods,  meadows,  apple  trees,  and  waters  to  Cluny.^    Another 

^  Ibid.  i.  724.     Fields,  vineyards,  meadows,  woods,  waters,  mills,  houses, 
buildings,  cultivated  and  uncultivated  ground,  furniture. 

-  Ibid.  i.  72(). 

■'  Ibid.    i.    734,    Cogitans    diminutionem    parochianini    qitq    per    vassio)i€m 
quorundam  et  temporis  inslabilitaie  facta  est. 

*  Ibid.  i.  657.  s  ibid.  i.  773.  «  Ibid.  i.  838. 

U 


98  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

donor  had  not  hardened  his  heart  but  intently  listening  in 
church  had  heard  that  Christ,  grieved  at  seeing  the  human  race 
spotted  by  sin  through  the  cunning  of  the  ancient  enemy  of  the 
race,  had  deigned  to  give  salutary  medicine  for  the  many  wounds 
of  sin  of  which  the  most  efficacious  was  to  make  friends  of  the 
Manmion  of  unrighteousness  and  thereby  receive  entrance  to 
an  eternal  home.  Remembering  the  enormity  of  his  sins  and 
fearful  of  his  last  hour  he  gave  a  manor,  chapel,  seven  serfs  and 
their  families  to  Cluny.i 

Parts  of  churches  were  also  given,  e.g.  a  third  of  a  church  ;  ^ 
half  a  church  and  quarter  of  another,  given  by  a  woman,  with  a 
vill  and  serfs  ;  ^  a  sixth  of  a  church  and  its  property  ;  *  half  a 
vill  with  half  its  church,  lands,  fields,  waters,  mills.     In  the  last 
case  the  donor  and  his  wife,  not  wishing  to  spend  all  they  had 
for  their  own  bodies,  rejoiced  that  the  divine  clemency  allowed 
the  faithful  to  give  from  the  transitory  possessions  which  they 
had  gained  by  just  labour,  and  thereby  obtain  eternal  reward. 
All  the  same  it  was  only  after  their  death   that  the  monks 
could  hold,  order,   and  dispose  it  as  they  would.      Any  one 
who  disputed  the  donation  was  to  feel  the  anger  of  the  Virgin's 
son,   find  himself  shut  out  from  paradise  by  St.   Peter,   and 
lest  he  should  seem  to  escape  punishment  in  this  life,  pay  100 
pounds  gold  to  the  monks.^     Parts  of  churches  to  be  held  for 
the  donor's  lifetime  were  also  given,  e.g.  viscount  Ratburn  and 
his  wife  gave  a  church  with  its  presbiteratus  and  parrochia  and  a 
third  of  what  belonged  to  the  church,  i.e.  curtilus,  mountains, 
woods,  thickets.     They  were  to  hold  it  in  usufruct  for  life  and 
pay  St.  Peter  annually  tenths  in  vestitura.     On  their  death  the 
whole  reverted  to  Cluny.^     A  man  and  his  wife,  to  make  friends 
with  the  poor  in  Christ,  who  would  receive  them  into  their 
eternal  habitations,  gave  Cluny  half  a  chapel  and  a  manor,  which 
they  were  to  hold  for  life  and  pay  the  monks  twelve  denarii 
annually.'^     Another  man  and  his  wife,  reflecting  on  the  enormity 

1  Ibid.  i.  875.  -  Ibid.  i.  789.  »  Ibid,  i   651.  *  Ibid.  i.  706. 

6  Ibid.  i.  876.  ^  ibid.  i.  546.  '  Ibid.  i.  746. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  99 

of  their  sins,  but  also  on  what  was  better,  the  sweet  voice  of 
Christ  saying,  '  Give  alms ',  gave  Cluny  land  near  Macon  and  a 
Curtis  in  Auvergne  with  its  chapel,  which  the  monks  were  to  hold 
in  vestitura.  On  the  death  of  the  donors  the  curtis,  chapel,  fields, 
serfs,  freedmeii,  mills,  houses,  moveables,  immoveables,  and  any 
new  buildings  there,  reverted  to  the  monks. ^  A  dount  gave 
an  alod  with  two  churches  and  a  vill.  For  the  dispensation  of 
God  allows  all  who  reflect  sanely  to  give  from  their  transitory 
goods  in  order  to  receive  an  eternal  reward.  He  was  to  hold 
all  while  he  lived  and  pay  Cluny  twelve  solidi  annually.^  A  priest 
sold  half  of  two  churches  with  their  presbiteratus  to  the  monks, 
and  received  from  Aymardus  9  pounds  silver  that  the  sale  should 
be  firm  and  stable.  He  was  to  have  usufruct  for  his  lifetime 
and  to  give  the  monks  in  vestitura  for  the  church  a  vineyard  and 
a  field.  Any  one  who  made  trouble  about  the  sale  was  to  pay 
4  pounds  gold,  half  to  the  royal  fisc,  half  to  the  monks.^  One 
man  and  his  wife  gave  a  vill  with  its  church  and  all  belonging 
to  it  to  his  son.  If  the  latter  died  without  a  legitimate  heir  they 
passed  to  Cluny.*  One  sinner  and  his  wife  made  their  donation 
because  God  said,  '  Give  alms  and  all  worldly  things  will  be 
yours ',  and,  '  As  water  extinguishes  fire,  so  alms  extinguisheth 
sin.'  They  hoped  not  to  be  thrust  away  with  the  impious  into 
the  jaws  of  hell  but  to  merit  to  hear  the  joyful  words,  '  Come, 
ye  blessed.'  ^  The  rest  of  the  charters  record  gifts  of  vineyards, 
land,  property,  and  vills.  From  the  numerous  exchanges  of 
land  it  may  be  inferred  that  Aymardus  was  carefully  rounding 
off  the  Cluniac  property. 

1  Ibid.  i.  825.  "  Ibid.  i.  797. 

^  Ibid.  i.  751,  Ut  ccrtius  credenda  sit  accio  no.stra,  accipio  de  vobis  in  urycnte 
atit  in  valente  libras  viiii,  et  inantea  venditio  ista  jirma  et  slabilis  permaneat.  Eo 
tenore  diiin  ego  Ado  advixero  usuin  et  fructuin:  .  .  .  et  dono  vobis  de  ipsam 
ecclesiam  interim  in  vestitura  .   .   .  vineam  nnam. 

*  Ibid.  i.  653.  ^  Ibid.  i.  838. 


CHAPTER  X 

MAIOLUS,    FOURTH   ABBOT   OF   CLUNY 

Maiolus,  fourth  abbot  of  Cluny,  lived  in  very  eventful  times. 
He  saw  the  extinction  of  a  dynasty  in  Gaul,  the  rise  of  the 
Capetian  house,  the  disappearance  of  the  independent  kingdom 
of  Burgundy,  and  the  march  of  the  Teutonic  eagles  to  Italy. 

The  date  of  his  birth  is  unknown.  The  marriage  settlement 
of  his  parents  was  drawn  up  in  909.  His  father,  a  miles,  was 
of  an  old  provincial  family  of  Avignon,  his  mother  of  no  less 
noble  birth.^  His  father,  Fulcher,  must  have  had  a  goodly 
inheritance.  His  marriage  settlement  ^  on  his  wife  Raimodis 
included  three  vills  in  Apt,  two  vills  and  a  church  in  Aix,  two 
vills  and  a  church  in  Sister  on,  two  v^ills  with  two  churches  and 
two  vills  without  churches  in  Riez,  also  ten  serfs  with  their  wives 
and  children  :  altogether  a  hundred  manors  and  fifty  serfs 
(mancipia).  The  marriage  settlement  was  drawn  up  publicly 
at  Avignon  '  according  to  the  Roman  law  of  the  husband  '. 
Raimodis  was  to  do  whatever  she  wished  with  this  property, 
having  most  free  and  firm  hold  over  it.  If  Fulcher,  his  relations 
or  other  persons  interfered  with  it  they  were  to  pay  a  heavy 
fine. 

Two  sons  were  born  of  the  marriage,  Maiolus  and  Cynricus.^ 
Probably  Cynricus  was  the  elder  as  Maiolus  seems  to  have  been 
early  destined  for  the  church,  and  as  a  child  was  given  to 
'  literary  studies  '.  *     He  was  so  precocious  in  mind  and  morals 

^  Migne,    137,    Vita   Maioli  Syro,   i.    1,  Ex  Avenicorum   oppido  2^nf^ntibus 
splendissimis. 

2  Bruel,  i.  105,  In  dotalicium.     Final  in  summo  mansa  100,  in  sponsalitium 
ifitud  et  mancipia  50. 

3  Ibid.^iij,  1071,  Fratri  meo  Eyrico  ;  anno  959. 
Ahipsis  infantiae  rudimentis  siudiis  litterarum  traditus. 

100 


8T.    MICHALI 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  101 

that  his  future  greatness  was  foretold  by  many.  His  name 
itself,  Maiolus,  i.e.  magnus  oculus,  seemed  sure  proof  that  God 
had  chosen  him  for  Himself.  '  Like  a  splendid  star  he  was 
destined  to  raise  human  conditions.'  ^  While  yet  a  boy  he  lost 
his  parents. 2  About  the  same  time  the  family  lands  were 
devastated  by  the  barbarians.  The  boy  therefore  went  to 
Macon,  where  he  was  received  by  a  relative,  '  one  of  the  chief 
men  of  the  city  '.^  In  time  the  bishop  of  Macon,  having  heard 
of  his  reputation  for  learning,  asked  him  to  join  the  college  of 
canons.  Maiolus  refused,  as  he  wished  to  study  under  Antony, 
a  teacher  of  Lyons,  famous  not  only  for  his  wisdom  but  for  the 
virtue  of  his  life.  He  went  therefore  to  Lyons,  which  as  a  schol- 
astic centre  still  retained  something  of  the  renown  which  had 
been  hers  in  Roman  days,  '  excelling  all  towns  far  and  near  in 
the  opportunities  she  offered  for  the  study  of  religion  and  the 
liberal  arts.  Nurse  of  philosophy  and  mother  of  all  Gaul,  she 
upheld  not  unworthily  the  keystone  of  ecclesiastical  right.  Her 
fame  had  spread  across  the  seas,  and  to  her  flocked  men  eager 
to  learn  wisdom  '.* 

At  Lyons  Maiolus  sought  and  enjoyed  the  companionship  of 
good  men,  keeping  himself  aloof  from  the  pleasures  and  vices 
indulged  in  by  many  of  his  companions,  fearing  lest,  once 
infected  by  them,  he  should  be  unable  to  free  himself  later.  So 
great  was  his  reputation  for  holiness  that  he  was  already  con- 
sidered a  monk. 

From  Lyons  he  returned  to  Macon,  and  was  ordained  priest. 
He  laboured  gladly  in  the  vineyard  of  the  Lord,  '  kind  to  all, 
just  to  all,  harming  none,  doing  good  to  many,  and  striving 
to  perfect  himself  in  wisdom.  Never  was  lying,  detraction,  or 
flattery  heard  from  his  mouth.  Nor  did  he  hesitate  to  be 
severe,  if  by  admonition,  exhortation,  or  rebuke,  he  could  win  a 
brother  to  the  truth  '.  Fearful  lest  he  should  be  condemned  for 
hiding  his  talent,  and  eager  not  only  to  inform  his  ow^n  mind 
but  to  help  others,  he  gathered  round  him  a  large  body  of  clerks 

1  Vita  Odilone.  -    Vita  Syro,  i.  4.  ^  Ibid.  i.  4.  *  Ibid.  L  5. 


102  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

and  taught  them  for  nothing.  In  time  he  was  appointed  arch- 
deacon.^ 

To  gratify  that  love  of  solitude  and  meditation  which  was 
one  of  his  chief  characteristics,  he  built  at  some  distance  from  the 
town,  and  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  a  little  oratory  to 
which  he  could  retire  for  silent  prayer.^  The  withdrawal  from 
the  world  of  so  young  and  eminent  a  priest  caused  his  fame  to 
spread,  and  when  the  bishopric  of  Besan9on  fell  vacant,  the  see 
was  offered  him  '  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  princes,  ecclesi- 
astics, and  people  '.^  His  humility  would  not  let  him  accept. 
Moreover  he  was  afraid  that,  in  a  position  where  necessarily 
he  would  be  involved  in  a  certain  amount  of  secular  business, 
his  soul  might  be  led  to  seek  the  gains  and  glory  of  a  world  he 
despised.*  There  seemed  to  him  a  higher  calling,  a  more  perfect 
vocation  than  life  in  the  secular  church,  i.e.  the  monastic  life. 
Disciplined  therefore  in  ecclesiastical  studies  and  despising  the 
fleeting  glory  of  the  world,  he  sought  the  monastery  of  Cluny 
in  the  vale  between  the  hills.  He  had  often  visited  the  little 
monastery  so  celebrated  for  its  spiritual  life,  and  often  the 
brothers,  struck  by  his  '  sweet  speech,  his  angelic  face,  the 
wonderful  intelligence  of  his  mind,  and  his  mellifluous  eloquence  ', 
had  wished  that  he  were  one  of  them.  The  wish  was  granted. 
Maiolus,  '  with  deepest  humility  from  being  a  doctor  of  grammar 
began  to  study  the  wise  stupidity  of  God,  and  to  be  the  disciple 
of  simple  men  '.^ 

At  Cluny  his  pre-eminent  virtues  soon  made  him  a  con- 
spicuous figure.  In  the  virtue  of  obedience  especially  he  sur- 
passed all  his  companions,  and,  as  St.  Benedict  taught,  bore 
himself  most  humbly  not  only  towards  his  abbot  but  also  towards 
the  brothers.  '  No  one  is  worthy  to  command  until  he  has 
first  learned  to  obey,  so  by  the  divine  dispensation  Maiolus  was 
for  long  submissive  to  others,  that  later  he  might  himself  know 
how  to  rule  without  error.'      When  Aymardus  saw  him  more 

1  Ibid.  i.  7.  ^  Ibid  i.  10.  ^  ibi^j,  i  12. 

*  Ibid  ^  Ibid.  i.  13. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  103 

responsible  and  wiser  than  his  fellows,  he  appointed  him  (ij>o- 
crisiarius,  whose  duty  was  to  guard  the  church  treasury  and 
receive  the  offerings  of  the  faithful.^  So  well  did  Maiolus 
perform  this  work  that  he  was  made  librarian,  an  office  for  which 
he  was  well  fitted.  '  Having  himself  read  the  philosophers  of 
old  and  the  lies  of  Virgil,  he  no  longer  desired  either  to  read  them 
himself  or  to  let  others  do  so.'  He  was  very  urgent  in  exhorting 
the  brothers  not  to  pollute  their  minds  with  the  lecherous 
eloquence  of  Virgil,  and  in  reminding  them  that  the  divine 
word  was  sufficient  for  them.^  ''  Indeed,  he  fulfilled  his  duties 
with  such  strictness  and  care  that  he  was  a  terror  to  all 
converts.' 

He  was  already  a  leader  among  the  monks  when  an  event 
occurred  which  caused  his  merit  to  shine  forth  :  Sent  with  a 
fellow-monk  to  Rome,  on  the  return  journey  his  companion  fell 
ill.  For  three  anxious  days  and  nights  Maiolus  watched  by  the 
sufferer.  At  last  in  utter  weariness  he  fell  asleep,^  when  he  saw 
a  white-haired  old  man  who  said  : — 

'  Why  art  thou  cast  down  in  idle  grief  ?  Hast  thou  for- 
gotten what  my  brother  James  orders  for  the  sick  ?  '  Awakening 
from  sleep,  he  remembered  the  apostolic  injunction,  and  rubbed 
his  brother  with  holy  oil.  From  that  very  moment  the  sick  man 
began  to  recover.  When  this  miracle  was  told  at  Cluny,  the 
brothers  held  him  in  ever  greater  veneration,  to  his  great  dismay, 
for  he  wished  to  be  despised  rather  than  honoured.  But  the 
more  he  fled  the  praise  of  his  fellows  the  greater  grew  their  devo- 
tion end  esteem.^  '  So  having  avoided  vice,  having  risen  from 
virtue  to  virtue,  he  reached  through  the  quadrivium  of  obedience 
the  supreme  height  of  humility.' 

It  was  to  Maiolus  as  successor  that  Aymardus  looked  when  he 
felt  his  own  strength  fail :  '  Maiolus  distinguished  in  merit  and 
nobility,  excellent  in  dogma,  generous  of  soul,  known  to  princes, 

^  Udalricus,  iii.    12,  Consnet.  Cliui.:  Apocrisinnis  est  qui  custodit  erclesiae 
tremurum,  et  in  cuius  inanu  est  quidquid  a  popuhribus  ad  altaria  offertur. 
2   VitaSyroA.  U.  3  i^id.  i.  15. 


104  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

revered  by  all.'  ^  The  monks  were  eager  to  hail  him  as  pastor,^ 
but  in  accordance  with  the  usual  convention  he  at  first  refused, 
though  the  monks,  prostrate  on  the  ground,  implored  him  to 
consent.  Even  after  the  monks,  clerks,  and  the  chief  men  of 
the  district,  with  the  common  people  of  the  country  and  of  the 
town,  had  assembled  at  Cluny  to  hail  him  as  father,  Maiolus 
held  to  his  decision  for  three  days.  Then  worn  out  with  anxiety, 
and  wearied  with  much  thought,  he  passed  a  sleepless  night. 
At  dawn  a  vision  was  vouchsafed  him.  A  monk  of  beautiful 
face  appeared  and  told  him  to  accept  the  responsibility  of  office, 
in  which  he  would  be  guided  by  God.  Holding  out  a  little  book, 
'  Here ',  he  said,  '  you  have  a  guide,  act  according  to  its  pre- 
cepts.' He  who  spoke  seemed  to  be  none  other  than  St. 
Benedict  himself  !  Strengthened  hy  this  vision  and  throwing 
his  care  on  the  Lord,  Maiolus  hesitated  no  longer.  Next  day  in 
the  chapter,  prostrate  on  the  ground,  he  acknowledged  that  he 
had  sinned  by  his  refusal.     Addressing  the  monks,  he  said  : — 

'  Oh,  father  and  brothers,  do  not  judge  from  my  contumacy 
that  through  obstinacy  of  soul  I  refused  to  obey  your  command. 
Indeed  I  longed  to  accept  the  greatness  of  the  office,  the  govern- 
ance of  souls,  but  I  was  yet  conscious  of  my  weakness,  and  felt 
myself  most  unfit  for  the  task.  Hence  my  hesitation  in  obeying 
you,  for  I  feared  to  be  hurled  to  destruction  under  the  weight 
of  so  great  a  responsibility.  None  knows  another  as  himself, 
and  if  you  but  knew  me  as  I  know  myself,  you  would  not  compel 
me  to  undertake  this  office.  But  as  you  urge  and  command  me, 
I  dare  not  say  you  nay.  Now  in  Him  who  is  able  to  srffooth 
rough  places,  to  raise  up  heavy  burdens,  and  to  overthrow  the 
adversary,  I  place  my  hope,  and  submit  myself  to  your  un- 
changed command.'  ^ 

Aymardus  then  announced  to  the  assembled  nobles,  bishops, 
pontiffs,  and  abbots  that  Maiolus  was  abbot.     Great  was  the 

^  Ibid.  ii.  1,  'Solum  hunc  esse  ad  id  offitium  idoneum  affirmans.''  * Hunc 
clarum  mentis,  tunc  nobilitate  legendum,  dogmate  precipuum,  generoso  pectore 
primum,,  principibus  notum  et  nonnulla  parte  verendum. ' 

"  Unus  omnium  consensus,  nee  dispar  fuit  effectus.  ^  Ibid.  i.  2. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  105 

rejoicing  and  giving  of  thanks.  The  election  was  inscribed,  the 
antiphon  sung.  Maiolus,  amid  the  joy  of  all,  was  led  into  the 
church,  received  the  benediction,  and  seated  on  the  abbatial  chair.^ 
The  charter  of  election  is  dated  954, ^  but  Aymardus'  name, 
with  the  title  of  abbot,  still  appeared  frequently  in  charters  up 
to  956,  less  frequently  from  956  to  960,  after  which  date  his 
name  disappears  till  965,  when  it  is  mentioned  for  the  last  time. 

It  would  be  interesting  to  know,  but  in  the  absence  of  con- 
temporary records  it  is  impossible  to  tell,  what  part  Maiolus 
played  in  the  social  and  political  life  of  his  time.  He  was 
known  to  princes,  French  kings,  and  Saxon  emperors. 

Otto  I.,  who  married  Adelheid  of  Burgundy  (951),  may  first 
have  heard  of  him  from  his  wife,  who  venerated  the  abbot  deeply.^ 
He  was  presented  at  the  imperial  court  in  Pavia  at  Otto's  request, 
by  a  friend  of  the  emperor,  a  wealthy  nobleman  of  Pavia,  who 
had  left  wife  and  children,  renounced  his  richer  and  military 
career,  and  entered  Cluny  as  a  monk.  The  emperor  kept  Maiolus 
long  at  Pavia.  '  He  was  the  ear  and  depository  of  the  imperial 
secrets  :  those  who  had  any  dealings  with  Otto  seeking  him  out 
as  intermediary.'  *  Definite  proof  of  the  imperial  favour  was 
seen  when  Otto  appointed  him  abbot  of  St.  ApoUinare  in  Classe, 
near  Ravenna.^  The  emperor  also  gave  him  a  corticella  in  Italy, 
for  it  '  behoved  him  to  cherish  the  church  of  God  and  thereby 
be  sure  of  a  temporal  and  eternal  reward  '.^  He  made  the  gift 
at  his  wife's  request,  who  also  asked  Maiolus  to  help  with  the 
building  of  St.  Saviour's,  Pavia."^ 

^  Vita  Odilone,  Electus  advocatur,  invifaius  resfitit,  rogatus  c.ontrndicit, 
adiuratus  tremiscit,  interdictus  quiescit. 

-  Bruel,  ii.  883,  Clnnidcinn  cum  omnibus  abbnliis,  locis  et  cellis  ordinandum 
iradinius.  Et  abbatem  unanimiter  omnes  proclaviamus.  Two  bishops,  one  of 
whom  was  Mairabod  of  Macon,  two  abbots,  and  132  monks  were  present  at  the 
signing  of  the  charter. 

^  Vita  Syro,  ii.  21,  Ac  si  ancillarum  ultima,  impendere  cupiebat  ei  devotionis 
obsequia.  *  Ibid.  -^  Ibid.  ii.  22. 

8   Bruel,  ii.  1143  {9(J2-973). 

"    Vita  Syro,  ii.  22,  Desudare  coepit  in  fabrica. 


106  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

Maiolus  is  said  to  have  foretold  Otto's  death.  Once  return- 
ing to  Cluny  he  said,  '  Last  night  as  1  slept  I  saw  a  mighty  lion 
in  a  cage,  burst  through  his  chains.  Of  a  surety  this  year  Otto 
the  Great  will  die.'  Soon  after  a  messenger  arrived  from 
Germany  with  the  news  of  the  emperor's  death.^ 

The  imperial  favour  continued  under  Adelheid  and  her  son. 
Indeed,  according  to  Sirius,  they  wished  to  nominate  him  to 
the  papacy.  '  He  was  summoned  to  Italy  by  Otto  II.  and  his 
mother,  who  received  him  with  the  greatest  veneration  and 
urged  him  with  insistent  prayer  to  ascend  the  summit  of  the 
apostolic  dignity.'  ^  But  he  who  sought  lowliness  rather  than 
exaltation  could  in  no  wise  be  moved  to  that  sublime  ambition. 
He  was  unwilling  to  leave  the  little  flock  it  had  pleased  Christ 
to  put  under  him,  preferring  to  '  live  a  life  of  poverty  with  Him 
who  descended  from  the  heights  of  Heaven  to  the  lowliness  of 
earth  '.  Imperial  son  and  mother  were  so  insistent  that  he  asked 
time  for  consideration  and  betook  himself  to  prayer.  Rising 
from  his  knees  he  saw  a  New  Testament  lying  near,  and  opened 
it,  convinced  that  the  first  passage  he  lit  on  would  reveal  the  will 
of  God.  It  ran,  'See  that  no  man  deceive  you  through  vain 
philosophy.'  So,  though  whipped  by  the  reiterated  prayers  of 
the  emperor  and  his  mother,  he  persisted  in  his  decision.  Finally 
to  the  imperial  prayers  were  added  those  of  the  nobles  and  chief 
ecclesiastics.  But  Maiolus  was  firm,  and  with  skilful  prudence 
explained  that  (1)  he  had  not  the  qualities  required  for  such  an 
honour,  nor  felt  himself  able  to  bear  a  responsibility  so  great 
that  none  should  undertake  it  who  felt  himself  unfit ;  (2)  he  was 
unwilling  to  forsake  his  flock  at  Cluny  and  the  monastic  life  ;  ^ 
(3)  he  and  the  Romans  being  of  different  countries  would  agree 
very  little  in  morihus.  Therefore  they  must  choose  another 
pope,  for  he  would  never  ascend  the  apostolic  height  nor  leave 
the  flock  committed  to  his  care. 


1  Ibid.  iii.  10.  ^  Ibid.  iii.  8. 

^  Ibid.,  Pusillum  gregem  nolebat  dimiitere  quern  Christo  placuit  sibi  com- 

ttoro 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  107 

As  the  nomination  is  not  mentioned  in  Odilo's  life  of  Maiolus, 
nor  elsewhere/  the  accuracy  of  Sirius'  information  has  been 
questioned.  But  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Cluniacs  have 
been  represented  by  modern  writers  as  zealously  upholding  and 
promulgating  the  strictest  theocratic  ideals,  the  way  in  which 
Sirius  regarded  the  imperial  ofier  is  really  more  important  than 
the  fact  itself.  Sirius  did  not  criticise  the  validity  of  imperial 
interference  in  the  papal  election,  nor  was  indignant  at  the 
papacy's  being  regarded  as  a  sinecure  determined  by  the  imperial 
will.  Such  an  attitude  would  have  been  out  of  keeping  with 
the  spirit  of  his  age  and  order.  Men  had  grown  accustomed  to 
the  papacy's  being  regarded  as  a  perquisite  to  be  scrambled  for 
by  ambitious  families.  As  a  good  Cluniac,  his  interests  lay  with 
the  monastic  order  and  its  reform.  But  the  incident  served  to 
glorify  his  master,  and  from  that  point  of  view  he  regarded  it. 
He  rejoiced  that  through  humility  his  abbot  could  refuse  such 
an  honour  and  withstand  the  express  command  of  the  greatest 
prince  of  the  world.  Others,  distinguished  by  neither  know- 
ledge nor  virtue,  thrust  themselves  forward  to  gain  high  places, 
degrading  themselves  by  bribery  and  simony  to  attain  papal 
rank,  Maiolus  fled  from  earthly  glory,  and  far  from  the  world 
came  the  nearer  to  God. 

Though  Maiolus  had  withstood  the  imperial  will,  not  long 
after  he  acted  as  peace-maker  between  Otto  and  his  mother. 
Otto  II.  had  married  a  beautiful  and  gifted  Greek,  whose  great 
influence  over  her  husband  may  have  aroused  the  jealousy  of 
his  mother.     At  any  rate  Adelheid  was  accused  of  being  a  menace 


^  Mabillon  noted  the  omission,  which  he  discounted  partlj'  on  the  some- 
what surprising  argument  that  Odilo  was  avowedly  writing  a  panegyric,  not 
a  biography  :  tlie  more  need,  it  would  seem,  to  mention  the  proffered  honour. 
Sackur  like^  Mabillon  accepts  the  story,  Schulze  rejects  it,  taking  Odilo's 
silence  as  in  itself  criticism  and  proof  of  the  story's  falsity.  His  argument  is 
weakened  by  the  fact  that  Odilo,  though  he  knew  of  Maiolus'  championship 
of  the  empress,  did  not  mention  it  in  his  Vita  Maioli,  though  he  did  so  in  his 
Vita  Adelheidi.  Mabillon  puts  the  date  of  the  nomination  974,  after  Boniface 
VI.  had  been  thrown  into  prison  and  strangled  by  the  men  of  Francone,  who 
became  Boniface  Vll. 


108  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

to  the  empire  and  was  banished  from  the  imperial  councils. 
When  the  sunshine  of  the  imperial  favour  was  turned  from  her, 
none,  not  even  those  who  owed  their  advancement  to  her, 
would  risk  defending  her  ;  for  this  cowardice  they  gave  the 
easy  excuse  that  the  imperial  majesty  must  not  be  contradicted. 
Finally,  Adelheid  was  banished  from  the  kingdom,  and  took 
refuge  with  her  brother,  Conrad  of  Burgundy. 

But  if  all  others  forsook  her,  Maiolus  stood  by  her,  went 
to  her,  and  comforted  her.  Then  journeying  to  Pavia  he  sought 
out  the  emperor,  and  rebuked  him  for  having  forgotten  that 
Christ,  who  deigned  to  subject  Himself  to  His  mother,  com- 
manded men  to  honour  their  parents.  In  spurning  his  mother 
Otto  had  acted  presumptuously,  and  had  forgotten  that  God 
who  raised  him  to  his  transitory  dignity  could  also  bring  him 
down  to  the  dust.  At  this  rebuke  the  emperor  '  moderated  the 
flames  of  his  fury  and  his  ferocious  wrath  against  his  mother  '.  ^ 
Seeking  out  Adelheid  he  threw  himself  at  her  feet,  and  yielded 
to  her  as  a  son  should  ;  the  charge  against  her  was  investigated 
and  was  found  to  be  false.  When  it  was  known  how  Maiolus  had 
commanded  where  others  had  not  dared  even  to  plead,  his  fame 
grew,  and  the  emperor  honoured  him  more  and. more.  Probably 
about  this  time  he  again  obtained  the  imperial  ratification  of 
Cluny's  rights  over  Peterlingen. 

In  983  he  was  with  the  emperor  at  Verona  and  advised  him 
against  his  Italian  campaign.  Taking  Otto's  hand,  '  Open  thine 
ear ',  he  said,  '  to  the  counsel  of  Frater  Maiolus,  and  return 
whence  thou  camest.  For  know  of  a  surety  that  if  thou  goest 
against  Rome,  thou  wilt  never  see  another  Christmas,  but  in 
Rome  find  thy  sepulchre.'  ^ 

The  importance  of  Maiolus'  name  is  also  seen  in  an  event 
which  caused  no  small  stir  in  monastic  circles,  and  throws  an- 

^  Vita  Syro,  iii.  9.  An  account  of  this  incident  in  the  Annales  (978) 
Magdeburg  is  more  matter  of  fact.  When  exiled  Adelheid  went  to  Lombardy, 
then  to  Burgundy.  One  party  at  court  worked  for  her.  Finally,  Otto  asked 
Conrad  of  Burgundy  and  Maiolus  to  effect  a  reconciliation,  and  met  her  at 
Pavia.  2  Ibid.  iii.  10. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  109 

interesting  light  on  the  Cluniac  position,  i.e.  a  disputed  election 
at  Fleury.  A  new  abbot,  Oilbold,  had  been  appointed  at  the 
command  of  Lothair,  king  of  the  Franks. ^  As  this  was  a 
flagrant  infringement  of  their  right  of  free  election,  several  of 
the  monks  refused  to  recognise  him.  It  is  important  to  learn 
what  part  Maiolus  as  head  of  the  Cluniac  community  took,  and 
significant  that  the  opposition  that  might  have  been  expected 
to  come  from  him,  came  instead  from  Gerbert.^  Gerbert,  at 
that  time  abbot  of  Bobbio,  wished  to  unite  the  monastic  order 
under  the  leadership  of  Maiolus,  to  isolate  Oilbold,  and  force 
him  to  leave  Fleury.  Maiolus,  though  he  condemned  Oilbold, 
was  prepared  to  bow  to  the  fait  accompli,  a  passive  attitude 
to  Gerbert  reprehensible  and  incomprehensible.  The  points  at 
issue  and  the  standpoint  of  the  two  men  can  be  judged  from 
Gerbert's  letters  to  Maiolus  and  quotations  from  Maiolus'  reply. 

Maiolus,  as  Gerbert  knew,  watched  over  his  own  flock  with 
vigilant  care,  yet  it  would  be  a  greater  charity  if  he  cured 
the  disease  of  an  alien  flock  ^  (i.e.  the  connection  between  Cluny 
and  Fleury  had  evidently  been  allowed  to  drop).  Gerbert 
was  indignant  at  a  reprobate's  usurping  what  was  almost  the 
highest  position  in  the  monastic  world.  To  let  the  scandal 
go  uncorrected  would  encourage  others  to  follow  this  example. 
If  Maiolus  kept  silence  who  would  speak  ?  The  whole  matter 
ought  to  be  examined  and  sentence  passed  on  Oilbold.  If 
judged  probus  he  should  be  recognised  as  abbot,  if  irnprobus 
cut  off  from  fellowship  with  the  monastic  order  and  left  to  his 
own  damnation.     He  was  anxious  to  know  Maiolus'  opinion. 

What  stirred  him  most  keenly,  Gerbert  wrote  to  Edward, 
abbot  of  St.  Julian's,  Tours,  was  such  a  scandal  having  arisen 
at  Fleury,  that  eminent  monastery  where  of  all  places  the  rule 

^  Oilbold  nd  prelatiouem  Floriarensinm  fratruni  ipsorum  ehctione  et  regia 
principU  Lothnirii  ascendit  donatione  (Mirac.  II.  xviii.  p.  121). 

^  Gerbert  was  educated  <at  Aurillao  where  Odo  liad  been  abbot.  He  was 
afterwards  Sylvester  II. 

'  Havet,  Leilres  de  Gerbert,  No.  69,  Etsi  vigilanti  cura  super  lestro  ijrege 
assidue  occiipati  eslis,  propensioris  est  tatnen  caritatis,  si  alieni  gregis  contagio 
interdum  medemini.     Fleury  was  reformed  by  Odo. 


no  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

ought  to, have  been  most  strictly  kept.  He  begged  Edward  to 
take  action.  If  leaders  of  the  monastic  order  kept  silence  who 
would  take  upon  himself  to  correct  the  evil  ?  ^ 

Maiolus'  letter  to  Gerbert  is  lost,  but  Adalbero,  archbishop 
of  Rheims,  who  answered  it  at  Gerbert's  request,  fortunately 
quotes  from  it.^  Maiolus  had  justified  his  non-intervention  in 
the  dispute  by  pointing  out  that  Oilbold  lived  under  a  different 
ruler  and  in  a  different  land  from  himself.  This  to  Adalbero  was 
merely  begging  the  question.  The  fathers  of  the  church  had 
never  regarded  proceedings  against  heretics  in  any  country  as 
beyond  their  ken.  The  Catholic  Church  was  one  and  indivisible 
throughout  the  world.  Maiolus  himself  had  said  that  Oilbold's 
audacity  and  ambition  were  detestable  to  all  the  faithful,  yet, 
though  admitting  his  guilt,  he  still  communicated  with  him ! 
Others  of  the  monastic  world  had  cut  him  off  from  their  fellow- 
ship. He  begged  Maiolus  to  do  the  same,  and  to  let  Oilbold  feel 
the  weight  of  his  displeasure.  Then  all  the  Cluniac  monks  would 
be  turned  against  him,  and  even  those  of  the  papal  entourage 
might  be  influenced.^  Adalbero  and  his  friends  would  gladly 
follow  so  revered  a  leader,  and  have  nothing  further  to  do  with 
Oilbold  (pervasor  ac  tarn  probo  improbo  approbato),  June- July 
986. 

The  prospect  of  leadership  did  not  move  Maiolus  :  '  Though 
he  wisely  and  rightly  condemned  Oilbold,  he  maintained  that 
the  dispute  concerned  him  and  Cluny  very  little.' 

His  opinion  in  itself  was  sufficient  to  influence  his  co-abbots 
at  Rheims.  Writing  to  the  recalcitrant  monks  at  Fleury,*  they 
expressed  their  deep  sympathy  with  the  injustice  the  monks  had 
suffered,  and  condemned  Oilbold.  At  first  they  had  sinned  by 
admitting  him  to  their  fellowship,  but  that  was  through  ignorance. 
As  soon  as  they  learnt  that  Maiolus  and  Edward  of  Tours,  '  those 
truest  fathers  and  brightest  stars  in  the  church  of  God  ',  had 

1  Ibid.  No.  80.  2  Ibid.  No.  87. 

^  Ibid.,  Ac  per  vos,  non  solum  quosque  rehgiosos  vestri  ordinis  sed  etiam  si 
fieri  potest  Romani  pontificis  se  maledictis  urgeri.  *  Ibid.  No.  95. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  HI 

condemned  him,  they  accepted  their  judgement,  '  An  non 
lucidissima  stella  reverendus  pater  Maiolus  :  an  non  prefulyidum 
sidus  paler  Edradus.^ 

Maiolus,  as  they  learnt  from  his  letter  to  Adalbero,  had 
known  Oilbold  formerly,  as  notorious  for  the  infamy  of  his  life 
and  beyond  redemption  in  this  world.  He  had  promised  to 
warn  his  neighbours  against  him,  so  that  even  if  the  scandal 
could  not  be  blotted  out,  at  least  it  would  be  known  that  Oilbold 
was  cut  off  from  the  fellowship  of  the  saints.  The  future  must 
be  left  to  itself. 

Edward  of  Tours  had  also  condemned  him,  a  decision  from 
which  he  declared  not  even  the  chiefs  of  the  church  could  make 
him  swerve.  He  called  on  the  latter  to  judge  the  case  without 
fear  or  favour  of  the  secular  power.  The  abbots  were  ready  to 
abide  by  the  decision  of  these  two  illustrious  men. 

'  Take  heed  to  these  things,'  the  letter  ended,  '  oh  comrades 
and  fellow-soldiers.  Withdraw  yourselves,  oh  slieep  of  Christ, 
from  him  who  is  no  shepherd,  but  a  wolf  ravening  the  sheep. 
He  has  not  blushed  to  thrust  himself  forward,  he  who  should 
have  rather  meekly  effaced  himself.  Let  him  boast  that  by  the 
favour  of  kings,  princes,  and  dukes,  he  was  set  over  the  monks. 
Condemned  by  two  such  fathers  as  Maiolus  and  Edward  he  is 
cut  off  from  our  fellowship.'  ^ 

There  the  matter  seemed  to  have  dropped.  Closely  bound 
as  Fleury  had  once  been  to  Cluny,  Maiolus  refused  actively  to 
intervene.  The  Cluniacs  had  a  due  respect  for  dignitaries,  and 
Oilbold  had  been  appointed  by  the  king.  For  two  years  he 
retained  his  office,  from  which  death  alone  removed  him  (988), 
when  Fleury  was  freed  from  '  the  mouth  of  the  lion  '  ^ — to 
Gerbert's  outspoken  joy. 

In  987  Maiolus  made  what  was  probably  his  last  journey  to 
Rome.  On  his  way  there  he  stayed  at  St.  Michael's,  Locedia, 
where  he  met  the  young  William  of  Volpiano.     From  Locedia 

^  Careat  nosiro  consortia  qui  talium  patrum  dampnatur  iudicio. 
-  Ibid.  No.  143. 


112  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

he  went, to  Pavia,  and  thence  to  Rome,  where  he  consulted  the 
pope  about  the  reform  and  rebuilding  of  Ciel  d'  Oro.^  On  his 
return  from  Rome  he  stopped  again  at  Pavia,  and  then  pro- 
ceeded to  Locedia,  where  William  of  Volpiano  begged  to  accom- 
pany him  to  Cluny.  As  abbot  of  St.  Benigne's,  Dijon,  William 
became  one  of  the  most  famous  of  the  Cluniac  alumni. 

From  this  point  the  Vita  hastens  on  to  an  account  of  Maiolus' 
death.2  His  was  rather  a  pathetic  figure  in  his  latter  years.  As 
he  mournfully  pointed  out,  he  had  outlived  his  contemporaries 
and  those  religious  men  who  had  fought  the  good  fight  and  did 
rest  from  their  labours.  His  beloved  books  were  his  only  con- 
solation. 

He  was  eighty-four  when  he  died.  Two  years  before  his 
death  he  felt  his  strength  fail,  and,  assured  that  his  call  drew 
near,  he  retired  either  to  Souvigny  or  to  one  of  the  smaller 
Cluniac  houses.  There  he  devoted  his  time  to  correcting  the 
brothers,  stimulating  them  to  ever  better  life,  and  in  reading 
and  prayer  gave  himself  wholly  to  God.  In  no  way  did  he 
spare  the  weakness  of  his  old  age.  He  died  when  on  his  way  to 
reform  St.  Denis,  Paris,  '  compelled  by  the  too  great  impor- 
tunity of  the  king  of  the  Franks  '. 

He  set  out,  not  ignorant  that  his  death  was  near,  but  glad 
to  end  his  days  in  doing  a  good  work.  He  did  not  get  far. 
At  the  little  monastery  of  Souvigny  (Auvergne)  he  fell  ill.  He 
rejoiced  that  the  hour  of  his  death  had  come,^  but  deep  and 
profound  was  the  sorrow  of  the  brothers,  and  one  the  voice  of 
weeping  which  arose.  To  the  last  his  members  remained  free 
and  unimpaired.  With  beautiful  face,  sound  hearing,  sane 
memory,  and  freedom  from  disease  and  blot,  he  advanced  to 
his  immortal  reward.  He  had  nothing  to  grieve  over,  he  told 
the  questioning  brothers  ;  he  regarded  all  things  quietly  and 

1  Bihl  Clun.  p.  1775;  of.  charter  of  John  XV. 

2  Vita  Syro,  iii.  19.     The  beautiful  simplicity  of  Sirius'  account  is  missed 
in  the  more  ornate  versions  of  the  other  lives. 

^  Ibid.   iii.    19,   Nihil   se  habere    molestiae  sed    omnia  quieta   et  tranquilla 
perspicere  et  vi^ere  bona  Dei  in  terra  viventium. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  113 

tranquilly,  had  no  pain,  and  saw  all  things  good  in  the  earth 
for  those  who  worked  with  God.  Asked  to  whom  he  would 
commit  his  flock,  he  answered  that  they  would  have  Christ, 
the  Great  Shepherd,  as  their  protector.^  Prostrate  on  the 
ground  the  brothers  besought  his  prayers,  confident  that  one  so 
dear  to  God  could  obtain  whatever  he  asked  for.  He  gave  them 
absolution,  then  ceased  from  common  speech,  though  ever  and 
anon  he  repeated  little  verses — '  Lord,  Lord,  I  have  loved  Thy 
house,'  etc.  Then  raising  his  eyes  to  heaven  he  signed  himself 
with  the  sign  of  the  Cross,  whispering  to  himself  till  his  breath 
failed. 

The  monks  who  had  accompanied  him  wished  to  carry  his 
body  to  Cluny.  Against  this  the  monks  of  Souvigny  protested. 
Finally  the  inhabitants  of  the  vill  forcibly  prevented  his  body 
being  removed.  He  was  therefore  buried  in  the  church  of  St. 
Peter,  and  Souvigny  from  being  a  small  monastery  became  a 
centre  of  pilgrimage.  Many  were  the  miracles  worked  at  his 
tomb. 

^  Nevertheless  according  to  a  charter  he  had  appointed  Odilo  abbot.  Bruel 
iii.  1965,  Clun.  cui  domnus  reverentissimus  pater  Odilo  freest,  iussione  sci 
palris  Maioli  (993-4). 


CHAPTER  XI 

MAIOLUS'    REFORMING   ACTIVITY — GIFTS   TO   CLUNY 

Under  Maiolus  Cluny  stood  in  the  forefront  of  the  reform. 
Her  abbot  was  one  of  the  best-known  of  the  monastic  leaders  : 
'  the  brightest  star  in  the  monastic  firmament ',  that  '  archangel 
of  monks  '. 

At  his  warning  many  renounced  their  possessions  and  gave 
themselves  to  the  regular  discipline.  An  innumerable  multitude 
gathered  under  him  from  every  part  of  the  world.  Of  different 
race  and  tongue  they  were  yet  so  united  that  in  them  were 
fulfilled  the  words  of  the  apostle,  '  There  was  one  heart  and  mind 
among  them  '.  Their  pastor,  watching  over  them  with  zealous 
care,  rejoiced  in  the  increase  of  his  flock  and  in  their  zeal  for 
their  work.  He  corrected  the  discipline  of  the  regular  life  which 
had  fallen  away  by  the  negligence  of  old.  He  watched  his 
flock  with  skilful  care,  and  even  in  this  life  merited  to  see  the 
fruits  of  his  labours.  Many  monasteries  which  had  left  the 
straight  path  were  corrected  by  him  and  by  his  monks,  many 
of  whom  he  appointed  abbots.  He  rejoiced  greatly  that  those 
whom  he  had  trained  were  accounted  worthy  to  rule  in  their 
turn.^ 

Cluny  was  '  especially  dear '  to  pope  John  XIII.  Writing 
to  the  bishops  of  Aries,  Lyons,  Vienne,  Clermont,  Valence, 
Besan9on,  Macon,  Chalons,  Lerins,  Viviers,  Avignon,  Geneva, 
Lausanne,  Le  Puy,  to  them  as  the  light  of  the  world  and  the  salt 
of  the  earth,  he  commended  Cluny  with  the  houses  under  it. 

^   Vita  iSyro,  ii.  6. 
114 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  115 

As  faithful  lovers  of  St.  Peter  he  begged  them  to  defend  the 
monastery.  If  any  one,  however  powerful,  attacked  Cluniac 
property  the  bishops  were  to  excommunicate  him  until  restitu- 
tion was  made.  The  bishop  of  Clermont,  for  instance,  was  to 
excommunicate  one  of  his  fideles  who  had  taken  land  from 
Sauxillanges  if  he  refused  to  restore  it.  The  pope  specially 
commended  Cluny  to  the  bishop  of  Macon,  its  near  neighbour, 
asked  him  to  give  '  swifter  aid  '  to  the  brothers  in  their  necessity, 
and  to  protect  them.  They  had  always  loved  him  and  desired 
his  love.^ 

Neither  Odo  nor  Aymardus  had  attempted  to  bind  the 
reformed  monasteries  to  Cluny.  When  Maiolus  became  abbot 
only  five  of  them  were  subject  to  Cluny  :  i.e.  Romainmoutier, 
Carus  Locus  (Charlieu),  Sauxillanges,  and  two  monasteries  in 
Macon.  The  policy  of  building  up  an  organised  system  of 
dependent  houses,  looking  to  Cluny  as  head,  was  only  defi- 
nitely undertaken  by  Maiolus'  successors,  Odilo  and  Hugh, 
though  under  Maiolus  the  tentative  beginning  of  the  system 
may  be  seen.  Several  monasteries  were  placed  under  him. 
In  958  Conrad,  king  of  Burgundy,  gave  Cluny  St.  Amand's, 
St.  Paul-Trois-Chateaux,^  and  two  years  later  at  his  mother's 
request  Lothair  of  Gaul  confirmed  the  gift.^ 

Four  years  later  Maiolus  received  Peterlingen,  situated  in  the 
Juras,  and  the  first  Cluniac  monastery  on  German  soil.^  Founded 
by  Bertha,  queen  of  Burgundy,  she  did  not  live  to  see  it  com- 
pleted, but  bequeathed  to  it  all  her  property  in  that  district. 
She  was  buried  there.  Her  daughter,  the  empress  Adelheid, 
completed  her  mother's  work.  Both  she  and  her  brother, 
king  Conrad,  gave  land  to  Peterlingen,  Conrad  granting  the 
monks  an  alod  with  the  right  of  minting  ^  (963),  and  later  Crottas, 
with  mill  and  all  belonging  to  it.^  The  Ottos  gave  several 
charters  to  Peterlingen.'^     Protected  by  the  great,  the  monastery 

1  Migne,  135,  p.  990.  -   Bruel,  ii.  1052.  ^  jbjj.  ii.  1067. 

*  Bouquet,  ix.  667.  ^  Bruel,  ii.  1127.  e  jbj^j  jj    1150 

"  Di.plomnfn   Ottonis   II.,  Mon.   Germ.  Hist.  ii.   No.   51.     Maiolus  with   all 


116  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

flourished,  and  its  abbots  in  time  gained  much  property  in  Alsace, 
Colmar,  and  Huttenheim. 

St.  Saviour's,  Pavia,  founded  by  the  empress  Adelheid, 
adorned  with  ornaments  and  richly  endowed,  was  given  by 
her  to  Maiolus.  John  XIII.  in  a  charter  addressed  to  Adelheid 
took  St.  Saviour's  under  the  papal  protection  (972),  and  declared 
it  free  from  all  other  authority,  ecclesiastical  or  secular.  Free- 
dom of  election  was  assured  to  the  monks,  who  could  receive 
ordination  and  the  chrisma  from  any  bishop  the  abbot  chose. 
Bishops  were  never  to  demand  tenths.  Baptism  could  be  cele- 
brated in  the  monastery's  chapels.^  Ten  years  later  (982) 
Otto  II.  confirmed  St.  Saviour's  privileges,  rights,  immunities, 
and  possessions,  at  Adelheid's  request.^  The  monks  could  choose 
an  abbot  from  another  monastery  if  they  wished.  Monks  leav- 
ing their  own  monasteries  and  wishing  to  enter  St.  Saviour's 
were  to  be  received  only  if  the  brothers  of  St.  Saviour's 
consented.  St.  Saviour's  had  already  two  monasteries  under 
it.  As  Cluny  is  not  mentioned  in  either  of  these  charters, 
it  must  have  been  given  to  Maiolus  after  the  date  of  the 
second. 

The  Cluniacs  held  another  house  in  Pavia,  the  gift  of  a  priest 
(967).  He  bought  the  chapel  of  the  Virgin  and  St.  Michael 
with  much  land  from  an  imperial  judge  and  his  wife,  and  gave  it 
the  same  day  to  Maiolus  on  condition  that  it  was  '  constituted 
a  monastery  for  men  '.  Maiolus  was  to  send  monks  there,  and  the 
new  monastery,  which  was  richly  endowed,  was  to  be  always 
subject  to  Cluny. ^     The  old  Lombard  capital  was  an  important 


the  congregation  of  brothers  came  before  the  emperor  at  Aachen,  973,  and 
asked  him  to  confirm  his  father's  charter  to  Peterlingen.  He  did  so  and 
confirmed  its  possessions  in  Alsace,  etc.,  which  with  the  monastery  were  to  be 
held  in  security  under  the  imperial  defence  :  sub  nostra  tuitonis  immunitate  .  .  . 
libere  et  securiter.  In  983  at  Verona,  at  the  request  of  his  mother  and  his  wife, 
Otto  again  confirmed  Cluny's  rights  over  Peterlingen. 

1  Mon.  Germ.  Hist.  i.  307. 

2  Mon.  Germ.  Hist.,  Sickel,  i.  281. 

^  ii.  1229.     The  charter  of  sale  and  the  charter  of  donation  to  Cluny  are 
dated  the  same  day :  Constitutum  wonasterium  virorum. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  117 

centre  for  Cluniac  influence,  for  Pavia,  likened  to  Tyre  and  Sidon, 
was  still  a  cosmopolitan  town  to  which  thronged  men  of  every 
nationality  and  tongue.^ 

In  his  first  visit  to  Rome  as  abbot  (probably  967)  Maiolus 
went  to  St.  Paul's,  '  the  house  of  the  celebrated  Doctor ',  re- 
formed by  Odo.2  He  found  only  a  few  poverty-stricken  monks 
there  whose  necessities  he  supplied  and  whose  customs  he 
corrected.  It  was  from  St.  Paul's  that  later  the  ashes  of  St. 
Peter  and  Paul  were  sent  to  Cluny  for  safety.^  At  Pavia  he 
restored  Ciel  d'  Oro,  which  was  almost  entirely  in  ruins.*  Also 
in  Italy  a  priest  gave  land,  fields,  vineyards,  waters,  pasture, 
on  condition  that  the  senior es  of  Cluny  built  a  place  (locus)  there, 
where  monks  in  return  were  to  instruct  his  nephew  in  letters 
and  make  him  a  monk.  The  priest  was  to  be  dominator  and 
rector  of  all  the  land  he  had  given  till  his  death,  when  the  whole 
reverted  to  Cluny  (966).^  He  made  the  gift  remembering  that 
it  was  written,  '  Make  friends  with  the  Mammon  of  unrighteous- 
ness', *  Lay  up  for  yourselves  treasure  in  Heaven ' :  not  wishing  to 
hear  the  words,  '  Depart  into  eternal  fire  ',  but  rather,  '  Come  ye 
blessed  of  my  Father  '. 

Another  priest,  remembering  the  injunction  to  give  alms, 
grateful  to  God  for  having  preserved  him  from  poverty,  hoping 
to  escape  the  devil's  dark  pit,  and  to  reign  in  that  Heaven  where 
there  is  no  terror,  nor  illness,  nor  hunger,  nor  sin,  gave  part  of 
his  hereditary  possessions  to  the  priory  of  St.  Andrew's,  Rosans, 

^  Bibl.  Clii7i.  \).  1775,  Vila  Maioli  Anony.:  Pavia  quae  muliiplicibus  popu- 
loriim  referta  txrhis  nobilixivi  et  diversannn  mercium  speciebus  insignis,  quasi 
quaedam  l^yrus  et  JSydon  videtur  remanisse,  quibus  complacet  ad  sui  mercimonii 
coni2)arationem  et  venditioneiu  venire. 

-    Vita  Syro,  ii.  17.     Cf.  Peter  Daniiani,  Opaisculum,  xxxiii.  8. 

^  Bibl.  Clitn.  p.  aCO,  Tandem  seditionis  urbe  iurbata  motibus  .  .  .  malis 
urgeiilibus  monnchi  discedentes  vas  illud  aposlolicorum  cinerum  sacra  sectiw 
pignora  detuleriint  sicque  Cluniacuni  j^^opere  pervenerunt. 

*  Vita  Maioli  S algoldo,  iii.  22,  Monasterium  .  .  .  rollnpsum  paene  fuerat  in 
rniuam,  reslanravil  ad  unguem.    Cf.  Anony.  cap.  18. 

^  Ibid.  1200,  Ac  nepoteni  nieuni  litter  is  inibuantet  monachum  facia  nt :  .  .  .  Ego 
donator  vester,  qnamdiu  dominator  et  rector  his  rebus  sim,  secundum  Deum  et 
ad  voluntatem  meam  omnia  habeam. 


118  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

which  he  subjected  to  Cluny.  He  begged  Maiolus  to  send 
virtuous  monks  from  his  own  congregation  to  the  priory  (988).^ 
In  Italy  also  St.  Apollinare  in  Classe  Ravenna  had  earlier  been 
put  under  Maiolus  (p.  105). 

Outside  Italy,  an  important  monastery  to  come  under  Cluny 
was  Paray,  founded  by  Lambert,  son  of  the  viscount  Robert 
(973),  on  a  site  chosen  by  Maiolus.  Paray  was  richly  endowed, 
and  monks  sent  to  it  from  Cluny.  Four  years  later  (977) 
the  church  was  consecrated  with  great  pomp,  three  bishops 
officiating.^  In  976,  on  condition  that  he  and  his  monks  built 
a  monastery  and  sent  monks  there,  a  man  and  his  wife  gave 
Maiolus  Mons  Rompons,  with  its  two  churches,  land,  woods, 
meadows,  pasture,  rivers,  fountains,  waters,  streams,  and  twelve 
serfs.^  In  978  a  similar  gift  came  from  the  archbishop  of  Lyons, 
who,  feeling  his  death  draw  near,  gave  Cluny  ten  vills  in 
Nimiasus  where  the  monks  were  to  build  a  small  cella.  In 
return  he  begged  to  be  mentioned  in  their  prayers,  '  for  he  had 
loved  them  before  all  their  fellows  '.*  In  the  same  year  Maiolus 
begged  the  pope  to  give  Cluny  the  island  of  Lerins  which,  by  the 
decree  of  Gregory  the  Great,  belonged  to  the  papal  jurisdiction. 
In  410  a  monastery  for  men  and  a  convent  for  women  had  been 
founded  at  Lerins  by  Honoratus.  Attacked  by  the  Saracens  the 
monks  and  nuns  had  been  driven  away.  They  returned  and 
lived  in  security  for  some  time,  many  withdrawing  themselves 
to  live  as  hermits  in  solitary  parts  of  the  island.  The  Cluniacs 
were  to  pay  from  Lerins  five  solidi  annually  to  Rome.^  At  the 
request  of  the  saintly  bishop,  Bruno  of  Langres,  Maiolus  reformed 

^  Ibid.  iii.  1784,  Deum,  et  redemptoreni  meum  glorificans,  qui  mihi  corpus 
et  animam  gratuita  pietate  concessit  et  me  nonnullis  subsidiis  humanae  paupertaiis 
constipavit. 

2  Chronicle  of  Paray-Je-Monial ;  cf.  Bruel,  iii.  2484.  Paray,  with  its  Avonderful 
old  church  built,  though  on  a  smaller  scale,  on  the  model  of  Cluny's,  is  now  the 
centre  of  pilgrimage  for  the  cult  of  the  Sacred  Heart. 

3  Ibid.  ii.  1434. 

*  Ibid.  ii.  1450,  Concedo  quasdam  res  meae  adquisitionis,  quas  propria 
mea  adquisivi  substantia. 

^  Bouquet,  ix.  p.  245.  In  the  fifth  century  Lerins  became  famous  as  a 
school  of  theology,  and  many  of  its  sons  became  the  bishops  of  southern  Gaul. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  119 

St.  Benigne's,  Dijon. ^  The  bishop,  distressed  at  the  decadence 
of  the  once  famous  monastery,  and  having  heard  much  of  the 
holy  lives  of  the  monks  of  Cluny,  visited  Maiolus  to  ask  his  help. 
Maiolus  sent  to  St.  Benigne's  twelve  of  the  most  perfect  of  his 
monks,  '  wise  in  holy  discipline,  learned  in  human  and  divine 
wisdom,  noble  according  to  human  rank ',  with  William  of 
Volpiano  over  them.  Owing  to  William's  great  merits  and  skilful 
administration  the  renown  of  the  abbey  was  restored,  and  it 
stood  an  example  to  all  and  a  new  centre  of  learning. 

Another  famous  monastery  reformed  by  Maiolus  was  St. 
Maur  des  Fosses. ^  Favoured  by  kings  of  old  it  had  passed  to 
the  Robertian  house,  under  which  its  condition  was  worse  than 
any  other  monastery  in  the  kingdom.  Its  lands  were  lost  by 
careless  abbots,  and  its  monks  lacked  even  the  necessaries  of 
life.  The  abbot  at  this  time,  a  man  of  very  noble  family,  placed 
the  interests  of  the  world  before  those  of  soul  and  spirit.  When 
he  went  out  hunting,  a  sport  he  delighted  in,  he  would  strip  off 
his  habit,  and  clothe  himself  in  costly  skins,  nay  more,  he 
covered  what  ought  to  have  been  his  humble  head  with  the 
finest  calamantium.  His  monks  followed  his  example  as  far 
as  their  means  allowed,  nor  did  this  seem  specially  reprehensible, 
seeing  the  other  monks  in  the  kingdom  did  the  same.^  At  last 
a  hermit  heard  of  the  state  of  affairs  and  protested  to  Burchard, 
count  of  Paris,  a  noble  whose  many  services  and  great  valour 
had  advanced  him  far  in  the  royal  favour.  He  asked  the  king 
to  let  him  take  over  the  monastery.  The  latter  hesitated  to 
give  up  what  had  belonged  to  his  house  for  so  long  :  also  he  was 
afraid  that  on  Burchard's  death  his  heirs  might  claim  St.  Maur's 
to  the  infinite  prejudice  of  the  monks — a  sin  for  which  he  would 
be  held  responsible.  When  Burchard  explained  that  he  wished 
to  hold  the  monastery  only  till  it  was  reformed,  the  king  consented. 
Now  in  those  days  the  fame  of  Maiolus  had  spread  throughout 


^  Bibl.  Clun.  p.  2i)S,  Ex  chronico  S.  Bongni  J)lri())iensi^. 

-  Ibid.,  Ex  Vita  Burchardi  Comitis  Paris. 

^  Ibid.,  Hie  nios  a  cunctis  monachis  istius  rcgni  agebatur. 


120  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

all  Gaul.  To  him  Burchard  proceeded.  Arrived  at  Cluny, 
Maiolus,  true  to  his  reputation  for  humility,  prostrated  himself 
before  the  count  and  asked  why  he  had  come  so  long  a  journey. 
When  he  heard  the  reason  he  pointed  out  that  the  count  would 
have  done  better  to  go  to  one  of  the  many  monasteries  in  Gaul. 
It  was  difficult  for  him  to  leave  Cluny  for  such  distant  and 
unknown  regions.  Only  after  Burchard  had  thrown  himself 
again  and  again  on  the  ground  did  Maiolus  consent  to  go.  Then 
taking  with  him  the  most  virtuous  of  the  brothers  he  started  for 
St.  Maur's.  Arrived  at  the  river  near  the  monastery  Burchard 
called  on  the  monks  to  cross.  He  then  told  them  that  those  who 
were  ready  to  obey  Maiolus  in  all  things  might  return  to  St. 
Maur's.  The  rest  must  disperse  where  they  pleased,  '  taking 
nothing  with  them '.  The  most  of  them  chose  rather  to  follow 
the  way  of  their  hearts  than  to  submit  to  Maiolus'  strict  discip- 
line. The  former  abbot  went  to  St.  Maur's,  Glanfeuil,  where, 
as  he  was  of  noble  birth,  he  was  made  abbot,  and  remained  there 
till  his  death. 

Maiolus  brought  St.  Maur's  back  to  the  strict  observance  of 
the  rule,  '  permitting  no  point  to  be  passed  over '.  He  had 
Hugh  Capet's  and  Burchard' s  help  for  the  material  welfare  of 
the  monks.  He  then  returned  to  Cluny,  entrusting  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  house  to  one  of  his  monks.  Time  passed,  and  as 
Maiolus  did  not  return,  king  Hugh  and  his  son  Robert,  at 
Burchard' s  suggestion,  appointed  this  monk  abbot.  This 
caused  the  monks  at  Cluny  to  sorrow  greatly,  for  they  had 
meant  to  hold  St.  Maur's  as  a  dependent  house  {ad  cellam 
redigere). 

At  the  request  of  Odo  of  Champagne  and  his  wife  Ermengard, 
Maiolus  reformed  Maior  Monasterium,  to  which  he  sent  thirteen 
Cluniac  monks. ^  So  great  was  the  sanctity  of  their  lives  that 
the  king  heard  of  them,  and  having  obtained  the  papal  consent, 

1  BibL  Clun.  p.  296,  Author.  Gestorum  ahhatmri  Maioris-Monasterii  anvo 
1494:  Maiolus  qui  inter  cetera  suae  sanctitatis  indicia,  monasterium  quod  est 
iuxta  nrbew  Turonicam  ah  Hunis  eversum  ad  pristivum  rerocarit  staivm. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  121 

suggested  to  count  Odo  that  one  of  the  thirteen  should  be 
appointed  abbot,  and  the  monastery  declared  independent  of 
Cluny.  Royal  and  papal  privileges  were  granted  and  the  monas- 
tery declared  the  special  child  of  Rome,  and  subject  neither  to 
church,  archbishop,  bishop,  nor  abbot. 

To  the  Cluniacs  this  was  a  disappointment  and  a  loss.  Maiolus 
proceeded  to  Maior  Monasterium  to  protest.  He  was  received 
by  the  monks  with  honour  and  dutifully  served  as  a  reverend 
father.     Next  day  he  addressed  the  thirteen  Cluniac  monks. 

'  Alien  sons,'  he  said,  '  why  have  you  lied  to  me  and  Cluny 
your  Mother,  who  trained  you  in  the  delights  of  virtue  ?  Why 
have  you  alienated  yourselves  ?  ' 

On  the  advice  of  their  abbot,  the  monks  kept  silent  with 
prudent  simplicity.  Maiolus  then  vehemently  reproached  the 
abbot  for  having  led  the  brothers  into  error  and  ambitiously 
usurped  the  ius  of  Cluny.  The  abbot,  but  lately  consecrated 
and  a  man  of  wonderful  simplicity,  replied  : 

'  Be  not  indignant,  oh  lord  abbot,  with  these  thy  servants. 
If  any  can  be  said  to  be  in  fault  it  is  not  ourselves,  but  the  pope 
and  king  to  whose  command  we  bowed.  We  could  not  do 
otherwise.  Indeed,  as  can  be  read  in  authentic  books,  from 
the  days  of  St.  Martin,  abbots  (not  priors)  have  always  ruled 
over  the  monastery.  What  is  done  cannot  be  undone.  Your 
holiness,  oh  beloved  father,  must  consider  whether  the  statutes 
of  the  highest  and  universal  pope  ought  or  ought  not  to  stand.'  ^ 

Maiolus  saw  the  point  and  acquiesced.  Though  bewailing 
that  the  house  beloved  of  St.  Martin  should  be  lost  to  Cluny,  he 
declared  it  free  and  immune  from  his  yoke  and  authority.^  The 
monks  were  to  have  the  right  of  choosing  their  own  abbot. 
St.  Martin's  was  thus  restored  to  its  original  dignity. 


'   Thid.,  f'Inim  .siimnii  H  nnircrsalis  papae  statiita  .^tare  debeant. 

-  Ibid.,  A  iiujo  et  subjeclione.  Cliiniarl  .  .  .  cmancipetur.  The  above  is  an 
interesting  example  of  the  feeling  (which  modern  writers  have  overlooked) 
which  grew  up  against  Cluniac  policy.  As  a  contemporary  record  it  is,  however, 
suspect,  as  tlie  story  comes  from  a  fifteenth-century  nmnuscript. 


122  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

The  goodwill  of  early  days  between  Cluny  and  the  neigh- 
bouring bishops  continued  when  Maiolus  was  abbot,  and  took 
concrete  form  in  donations  of  ecclesiae  and  land. 

In  962  Odo,  bishop  of  Macon,  gave  Cluny  six  churches,  their 
tenths  and  property,  reserving  only  the  eulogiae  and  synodal 
service.  Neither  he  nor  his  servants  were  ever  to  require  hos- 
pitality from  the  monks,  nor  any  dues.  If  any  one  asked  why 
he  alienated  so  many  churches  from  the  cathedral  at  one  time, 
the  answer  was  that  their  beneficia  belonged  to  Cluny. ^  In  982 
John,  bishop  of  Macon,  exchanged  lands  with  the  monks,^  and 
six  years  after  Milo,  bishop  of  Macon,  gave  them  an  altar e.  In 
967  Burchard,  archbishop  of  Lyons,  gave  Cluny  a  church  and 
tenths,^  and  later  land  on  which  a  small  monastery  was  to  be 
built.  He  asked  Maiolus  to  grant  him  Cluniac  property,  not 
that  he  wished  to  deprive  St.  Peter  of  it,  but  that  he  might 
guard  it  from  evil  men.  On  his  death  it  would  be  restored  to 
Cluny  with  any  improvements  made.  He  promised  in  return  to 
stand  Cluny's  adiutor,  defensor,  custos  et  advocatus^  His  suc- 
cessor Milo,  with  the  consent  of  his  canons,  gave  Maiolus  two 
churches,  their  tenths,  and  all  belonging  to  them,  but  reserving  to 
himself  synodal  service,  paratae  and  eulogiae  (981).^  The  bishop 
of  Chalon  confirmed  to  Cluny,  '  casting  no  envious  eye  on  the 
gift ',  land  and  a  house  which  one  of  his  archdeacons  had  built 
at  his  own  expense,  and  according  to  his  own  skill.  He  did  this 
the  more  gladly  because  he  had  heard  tell  of  the  glory  with  which 
God  had  exalted  Maiolus,  that  great  man  arisen  as  a  star  over 
Gaul,  to  the  admiration  of  the  century  and  for  the  example  of  all.^ 

From  Walter,  bishop  of  Autun,  Maiolus  received  two  deeds 
of  gift.  In  983  the  monks  begged  him  to  increase  their  daily 
dole  from  churches  in  his  diocese  and  their  obedientiae,  where 
they  daily  said  mass.  The  bishop  made  inquiries,  and  finding' 
the  request  just  granted  them  tenths  from  the  churches  in 
question  to  provide  for  their  daily  food  (ad  sustentandos  suorum 

1  Ibid.  ii.  1139.  ^  jbid.  ii.  ig20,  anno  982.  »  ibid.  ii.  1227. 

*  Ibid.  ii.  1508.  »  Ibid.  ii.  1553.  "         ^  jbid.  ii.  1537. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  123 

cotidianos  victus).  He  did  this  the  more  willingly  knowing  that 
God  had  greatly  favoured  Cluny  in  the  past,  and  that  the  brothers 
flourished  in  nobility  as  of  old,  worthily  upholding  the  standard 
of  their  order,  which  he  hoped  would  not  be  lowered  in  his  time.^ 
In  993,  because  the  congregation  of  Cluny  had  always  been 
joined  to  him  in  special  love  and  had  kept  alive  the  true  religion 
of  God,  he  granted  the  monks  six  churches  and  their  tenths,  to 
be  held  as  long  as  they  celebrated  divine  office  there.  They  were 
to  pay  no  dues  except  synodal  eulogiae.  Neither  the  bishop  nor 
his  successors  were  to  ask  hospitality  or  housing  from  them. 
He  made  the  gift  fro  signo  societatis  that  alive  or  dead  he  and 
they  might  participate  in  each  other's  good  deeds. ^  From  a 
bishop  Hector,  Maiolus  received  half  a  church  with  half  its 
presbiteratus  (969).^  Seven  years  later  the  bishop's  brother  gave 
Cluny  the  church  in  its  entirety.* 

Not  long  after  he  became  abbot  Maiolus  gave  part  of  his  own 
and  his  brother's  hereditary  possessions  in  precaria  to  Arnulf, 
bishop  of  Apt,  in  whose  diocese  they  lay  :  i.e.  nine  vills  and  a 
locus  won  in  conquest  by  his  grandfather  and  father  :  also  an 
alod  which  his  grandfather  had  bought.  The  bishop  was  to  pay 
Cluny  five  solidi  annually,  and  on  his  death  the  property  with 
any  improvements  he  had  made  reverted  to  the  monastery.^ 

It  is  difficult  to  remain  aloof  from  the  evils  of  the  day,  and 
Maiolus  '  with  the  consent  of  his  monks '  is  to  be  found  giving 
several  Cluniac  churches  in  precaria  to  laymen.  To  one  man 
and  his  wife  he  gave  a  church  with  tenths,  oblations,  dues  for 
burial,  gifts  in  kind,  and  other  dues.  The  recipients  gave  in 
return  a  curtilus  with  house,  vineyard,  three  fields,  and  a  meadow. 
On  their  death  and  that  of  their  two  sons  the  church  reverted 
to  Cluny.^  Another  church  was  given  in  precaria  to  a  man  and 
his  wife  who  paid  in  vestitura  one  colonica  with  fields,  vineyards, 
meadows,  woods,  and  waters.'^  Another  man  who  had  willed 
property  to  Cluny  was  given  half  an  ecclesia  with  half  the 

1  Ibid.  ii.  1028.       2  ji^i^i   jij    1947        3  n^j^i   jj    1271.       4  Ibid.  ii.  \4'2\). 
^  Ibid.  ii.  1071.  «i  Ibid.  ii.  912.  ■  Ibid.  ii.  920. 


124  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

preshilerqlus.  He  was  to  pay  in  vestitura  half  the  returns  from  three 
vineyards  belonging  to  the  jpreshiteratus.  At  his  death  the  church 
reverted  to  Cluny.^  To  another  man  and  his  son  Maiolus  granted 
for  life  a  church  with  everything  belonging  to  it :  fields,  woods, 
waters,  and  tenths.  They  were  to  pay  in  vestitura  eight  denarii 
for  lighting.^  A  noble  clerk,  very  dear  to  the  monks,  asked  and 
was  given  in  usufruct  a  vill  belonging  to  Cluny,  with  its  church, 
for  which  he  was  to  pay  annually  five  solidi  denarii.  After  his 
death  the  vill  and  church,  with  any  improvements  he  had  made, 
reverted  to  Cluny. ^  Another  priest  asked  and  was  given  for  life 
a  church  with  tenths,  oblations,  burial  dues,  food  dues,  and  all 
else  belonging  to  it.  In  return  he  gave  a  curtilus  with  vineyard 
and  house,  and  four  fields  in  a  vill,  in  which  he  reserved  one 
vineyard  in  usufruct.  He  also  agreed  to  work  in  the  vineyard 
and  labour  in  the  fields  for  the  brothers  like  any  homo  externus^ 
Two  instances  of  sale  are  mentioned  :  (1)  three  brothers  sold  to 
Maiolus  ^  and  his  monks  a  chapel,  for  which  they  received  30 
solidi ;  (2)  a  priest,  '  compelled  by  need ',  sold  a  church  in 
Vienne  with  its  property  to  the  illustrious  and  famous  Maiolus 
and  the  other  lords  of  Cluny.  He  received  the  stipulated  price 
of  100  solidi  for  it.^  In  another  case  Maiolus  gave  a  church  and 
its  lands  to  a  woman  and  her  four  sons,  who  gave  three  churches 
with  their  lands,  tenths,  and  presbiteratus  in  exchange.'^ 

Occasionally  Cluniac  land  was  given  in  precaria.  A  clerk 
asked  and  obtained  property  of  St.  Peter's  :  i.e.  manors,  vine- 
yards, fields,  meadows,  woods,  waters,  serfs  in  various  districts 
(all  the  gift  of  one  donor  to  Cluny),  and  ten  other  manors.  He 
was  to  pay  24  denarii  annually  in  vestitura,  and  after  his  death 
the  whole  returned  to  Cluny .^  A  man,  his  wife  and  son,  were 
given  two  vills  and  serf&.  Maiolus  held  in  vestitura  one  serf,  his 
wife,  children,  and  the  manor  where  they  lived.     When  one  of 


1  Ibid.  ii.  1271.  ^  jbid.  ii.  1501.  ^  Ibid.  ii.  1073. 

4  Ibid.  ii.  1529.  ■'  Ibid.  iii.  1859. 

^  Ibid.  ii.  900,  rrevit  mihi  volvnias  et  qnodcmnnodo  compulit  necessitas. 

'  Ibid.  iii.  1933.  «  Ibid.  ii.  UfiO 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  125 

the  three  recipients  died,  half  the  property  was  to  revert  to 
Cluny  ;  on  the  death  of  all  three  the  whole.^  Another  man  and 
his  wife  were  given  three  manors  and  half  a  church  in  one  of 
the  manors.  The  other  half  with  its  presbiteratus  the  monks 
held  in  vestitura?  In  one  case  of  exchange  of  land  the  dimensions 
were  carefully  given.  The  field  Maiolus  gave  was  16  poles  long, 
and  on  one  front  4  poles,  on  the  other  3.  The  field  he  received 
was  36  poles,  4  feet  long,  4  at  one  end,  3|  at  the  other.  It  was 
bounded  on  three  sides  by  St.  Peter's  land,  and  on  the  fourth 
by  the  donors'.^  To  another  man,  his  wife  and  illegitimate  son, 
Maiolus  gave  a  vill.  If  a  legitimate  son  was  born  it  was  to  pass 
to  him,  but  if  the  illegitimate  son  had  a  legitimate  son  the 
latter  inherited.  On  the  latter's  and  the  parent's  death,  the  vill 
reverted  to  Cluny.  The  monks,  however,  retained  the  church 
of  the  vill,  its  presbiteratus,  tenths,  land,  and  a  female  serf  with 
her  children. 

Of  the  1372  charters  which  cover  the  period  that  Maiolus 
was  abbot  the  majority  record  deeds  of  gift  from  the  laity.  Of 
these  the  majority  deal  with  donations  of  land,  especially  of 
vineyards.  Gifts  of  churches  are  as  yet  comparatively  few  : 
thirty -four  churches  and  chapels  and  half  of  six  churches  were 
given,  and  two  bought. 

Several  charters  recorded  the  gift  of  a  church,  and  then 
stated  that  the  donor  was  to  hold  it  for  his  lifetime,  e.g.  the 
chapel  of  St.  Columba  was  given  to  Cluny  with  everything  belong- 
ing to  it,  vineyards,  meadows,  plains,  woods,  waters,  apple  trees, 
tenths,  and  serfs.  During  his  lifetine  the  donor  was  to  hold  it 
in  usufruct,  and  to  pay  Cluny  annually  four  denarii,  or  wax  to 
that  amount.  On  his  death  it  reverted  to  Cluny.*  In  another 
case  a  donor  gave  half  an  ecclesia  which  he  was  to  hold  for  life, 

^  Ibid.  ii.  1064. 

-  Ibid.  ii.  1088  (anno  960).  The  charter  is  signed  by  Maiolus  percaior 
et  humilis  abba  et  Hei/niardus  abba. 

^  Ibid.  ii.  1463.  The  last  clause  is  curious.  Et  terminatnr  a  mane  terra 
sancti  Petri  a  medio  die  via  publica,  a  sero  ad,  ipsiun  Arleum  a  cercio  similiter. 

*  Ibid.  ii.  1008. 


126  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

and  pay,  the  monks  annually  six  denarii  in  vestitura.  In  return 
he  and  his  wife  were  to  have  part  in  the  society  of  Cluny.^  A 
father  and  son  gave  three  churches,  with  tenths,  parochial  dues, 
and  presbiteratus,  the  third  to  be  held  in  vestitura  during  their 
lifetime.  Another  gave  a  church  with  fields,  waters,  mills,  meal, 
all  of  which  he  held  for  life.  He  paid  at  once  in  vestitura  the 
tenths  of  the  church. ^  Another  man  and  his  wife  gave  a 
church,  its  tenths  and  land,  which  they  were  to  hold  in  usufruct 
for  life.  They  received  twelve  solidi  (which  they  promised  to 
repay  in  four  years). ^ 

A  donor  who  felt  the  end  of  his  life  approach,  remembering 
the  promise  that  all  the  world  would  be  theirs  who  gave  alms, 
gave  a  church  to  Cluny,  with  tenths,  fields,  meadows,  woods, 
vineyards,  and  waters.  He  was  to  hold  the  whole  till  his  death, 
paying  annually  in  vestitura  a  measure  of  grain  and  one  of  wine.* 

The  donations  of  land  sometimes  gave  rise  to  disputed  claims, 
which  were  usually  settled  at  the  monastery.  Sometimes  the 
abbot  would  plead  his  case  or  lodge  his  complaint  before  the 
local  magnate,  e.g.  Maiolus,  Hildebrand,  and  two  monks  before 
count  Alberic  at  Macon  proclaimed  a  man  who  held  property 
belonging  to  St.  Peter,  i.e.  vills,  land,  and  half  a  church.^  The 
actores  of  Cluny  before  count  Leobald  and  his  retainers  pro- 
claimed a  man  and  his  wife  for  seizing  a  manor  and  its  church, 
which  the  latter  claimed  as  theirs  by  hereditary  right.  But 
moved  by  the  fear  of  God  and  love  of  St.  Peter,  or  perhaps  by 
the  advice  of  the  count  and  his  men,  they  gave  up  the  property.^ 
Before  the  famous  count  Hugh  and  his  mother,  Vivian,  the  prior, 
and  three  monks  of  Cluny  proclaimed  a  woman  and  her  sons  for 
unjustly  holding  property  left  to  the  monks.  The  offenders 
admitted  their  offence  and  promised  that  neither  they  nor  their 
heirs  would  cause  further  trouble  (nausiam)^  Before  counti 
Lambert,  a  man,  whom  the  monks  had  often  proclaimed  and 
complained  of  for  having  despoiled  one  of  their  chapels,  swore 

1  Ibid.  ii.  1189.       ^  Ibid.  ii.  1433.       ^  jbid.  ii.  1325.       "  Ibid.  ii.  1049. 
5  Ibid.  ii.  1087.  «  Ibid.  ii.  1037.  '  Ibid.  iii.  1789. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  127 

that  neither  he  nor  his  relatives  would  attack  the  possessions  of 
the  chapel,  great  or  small. ^ 

One  offender  came  before  archbishop  Teubald  '  as  he  sat  in 
council  surrounded  by  many  monks,  clerks,  laymen,  the  missus 
indominicatus  of  the  king,  and  many  other  men  of  the  best 
testimony  '.  Before  this  august  assembly  he  promised  that  he 
and  his  wife  would  no  longer  exact  the  dues  and  customs  which 
they  had  unjustly  taken  from  land  given  to  abbot  Berno  in  the 
past,  and  since  then  held  by  Cluny.^ 

Nor  were  the  monks  afraid  to  defend  their  rights  against  the 
great.  Vivian,  the  prior,  with  other  monks  of  Cluny  made 
known  before  count  Hugh  that  he  and  his  father  had  unjustly 
taken  dues  from  a  vill  which  belonged  to  them.  The  count, 
having  consulted  his  retainers,  found  that  the  holy  brothers  were 
right.  He  ordered  a  notice  to  be  written  to  Cluny  that  neither 
he  nor  his,  in  the  present  or  the  future,  would  exact  dues  or 
services  from  the  free  men  (francis  hominibus)^  and  the  serfs 
livmg  in  the  vill,  nor  build  houses  there. ^ 

The  bishop  of  Riez  had  been  at  strife  with  the  monks  over 
tenths  of  the  church  of  Valensolle,  which  they  claimed  in  virtue 
of  their  labour  there,  and  over  land  which  he  demanded  in* 
the  name  of  the  church's  endowment.  The  bishop  came  to  the 
church  and  on  the  holy  relics  contained  in  the  image  of  St.  Peter 
gave  up  his  claim  to  all,  not  only  to  dues  which  were  admittedlv 
unjust,  but  to  others  to  which  he  seemed  to  have  some  claim.^ 

Several  charters  show  the  hold  which  the  monks  had  over 
the  consciences  of  their  fellow-men.  In  one  case  Maiolus,  w^ho 
had  thought  of  excommunicating  a  man  for  the  innumerable 
evil  deeds  he  had  committed  against  Cluny,  made  him  instead 
responsible  for  guarding  and  defending  certain  obedientiae,  thus 
giving  him  an  opportunity  of  making  reparation  for  his  sins. 
He  was  not  to  levy  any  dues  or  customs  from  the  said  obedientiae. 
If  he  happened  to  be  passing  through  them,  accompanied  by  not 
more  than  sixteen  soldiers,  and  the  monks  voluntarily  invited 

^  Ibid.  ii.  1249.       -  Ibid.  ii.  UIH.       ^  Ibid.  iii.  1794.       ■>  Ibid.  iii.  18G6. 


128  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

him  and  his  men  to  refection,  he  might  accept,  on  condition  that 
he  left  immediately  afterwards.  This  charter  was  signed  by 
Albericiis,  who  praised  the  decision.  For  the  love  of  God  a 
woman  gave  up  the  quarrel  and  ill-will  she  had  cherished  against 
the  monks  about  an  alod,  thereby  offending  the  apostles  Saints 
Peter  and  Paul.  To  be  reconciled  with  them  she  withdrew  her 
claim  to  the  alod,  although  it  had  been  part  of  her  dowry,  and 
promised  that  no  son,  daughter,  nor  relative  of  hers  would 
dispute  her  deed.^  In  another  case,  for  many  days  and  months 
the  monks  sued  a  man  for  keeping  property  left  to  Cluny  by  will. 
Before  Vivian,  the  prior,  and  many  others  the  accused  at  length 
made  restitution,  hoping  thereby  to  obtain  St.  Peter's  pardon. 
Indeed,  the  conflict  between  the  monks  with  the  eternal  powers 
behind  them,  and  the  laymen  with  their  terror  of  those 
powers,  was  not  an  equal  one,  e.g.  a  man  who  for  long  had  dis- 
puted Cluny's  right  to  a  church  gave  up  his  suit  because  his 
wife  had  died  and  he  wished  her  to  have  Christian  burial.  One 
generous  donor  gave  all  his  possessions  to  Cluny  on  condition 
that  the  monks  provided  him  with  clothing  as  long  as  he  lived, 
^  for  a  gift  to  God  is  repaid  a  hundredfold '.  Another  donor 
'gave  Cluny  all  he  possessed — quite  a  considerable  amount  of 
property — and  went  out  into  the  world  with  nothing.  If  he  or 
any  of  his  heirs  repudiated  his  gift  they  were  to  pay  a  fine.  One 
case  was  settled  by  arbitration.  Pasture-land  left  the  monks  by 
will  was  claimed  by  another  heir.  Judgement  was  given  that  the 
disputants  should  share  the  land  in  question.  In  another  case 
an  offender,  with  great  temerity,  presumed  to  set  up  a  claim  to 
a  right  of  way  leading  from  Cluny  to  the  Grosne,  and  to  the  mill 
of  a  vill.  The  monks  satisfied  his  claims  by  giving  him  a  horse 
worth  40  solidi.  In  one  charter  a  priest  explained  that  he  had 
bought  houses  (costing  210  solidi)  inside  the  cloister  of  St.  Mary's 
Le  Puy.  They  had  been  burnt  down,  and  it  had  cost  him  great 
labour  and  expense  to  have  them  rebuilt.     He  evidently  felt 

1  Ibid.  ii.  1496,  Si  aliquam,  rationem  in  ipso  alodo  habeo  per  dofnlium  qvod 
mihi  senior  mens  fecit. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  129 

that  they  would  be  safer  under  St.  Peter's  protection  and  gave 
them  to  Cluny  on  condition  that  he  and  a  nephew  held  them 
for  life.  A  father  gave  part  of  his  lands  to  Cluny — a  curtilus 
and  a  vineyard — on  condition  {ea  ratione)  that  his  son  should  be 
received  by  the  monks  and  with  them  serve  God  for  all  time. 
Another  donor,  who  gave  two  coloniae,  laid  the  following  curse 
on  any  one  who  disputed  the  gift :  '  Let  the  anger  of  God  and  all 
the  saints  come  upon  him,  and  all  the  curses  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment. Let  him  be  cursed  in  the  town  and  cursed  in  the  field  ; 
cursed  in  his  going  out  and  cursed  in  his  coming  in  ;  cursed  in 
the  fruit  of  his  body  and  cursed  in  the  fruit  of  his  ground.  Let 
God  cut  him  off  with  incurable  disease,  let  his  enemies  persecute 
him  till  he.  perish  from  the  face  of  the  earth,  and  all  his  sub- 
stance be  reduced  to  nothing.  Let  his  part  be  with  Dathan  and 
Abiram,  with  Judas  who  betrayed  the  Lord,  and  with  those  who 
have  said  to  the  Lord  God,  Depart  from  us.'  ^ 

Several  charters  might  be  quoted  in  disproof  .of  the  state- 
ment that  no  one  but  a  monk  could  enter  the  chapter  (capitulum,), 
e.g.  a  soldier  who  had  quarrelled  with  the  monks  about  an  alod 
came  to  see  the  home  of  the  apostles.  Before  his  departure  he 
attended  the  council  held  in  the  chapter, ^  was  reconciled  with 
the  brothers,  and  withdrew  his  claim  to  the  alod. 

Most  of  the  charters  frankly  state  the  reason  of  the  gift  and 
the  quid  pro  quo  expected.  Thus  William,  the  famous  count 
who  trembled  when  he  thought  of  the  day  of  judgement,  made 
a  donation  of  land  to  St.  Peter's,  Cluny,  because  to  St.  Peter 
was  given  the  power  to  bind  and  loose.  He  expected  the  apostle 
to  free  him  from  his  many  sins,  that  he  might  merit  to  hear  the 
joyful  words,  '  Come  ye  blessed  of  My  father.' 

The  preamble  of  many  of  the  charters  runs  :  ecclesiastical 
authority  and  Roman  law  have  ordered  that  any  one  making  a 
donation  of  property  should  do  so  by  will,  in  order  to  make  the 
transfer  legal. 

1  Ibid.  ii.  1430. 
"  Secundum  morem  monasterii  in  constituto  capitnlo. 

K 


CHAPTER  XII 


MAIOLUS     CHARACTER — MIRACLES 


In  Maiolus  was  fulfilled  the  ideal  of  the  monastic  character. 
His  was  a  meditative,  spiritual,  almost  mystical  temperament. 
Less  virile  than  Odo,  he  possessed  those  qualities  of  gentleness, 
humility,  and  self-effacement  which  rank  so  high  in  the  monastic 
virtues.  His  love  of  peace,  solitude,  and  prayer,  his  refusal  of 
high  office  in  the  secular  church,  his  dislike  of  public  praise, 
gained  him  a  reputation  for  sanctity  above  that  of  his  fellows. 
The  good  he  did  he  did  in  secret  to  avoid  the  occasion  of  vain- 
glory, yet  because  he  shunned  the  praise  of  men  it  followed  him 
the  more. 

Odilo  described  his  appearance.  He  was  dignified  in  his 
bearing,  cheerful  in  manner,  angelical  of  face,  serene  in  expression, 
possessed  a  beautiful  voice,  and  was  eloquent  of  speech.  His 
every  movement  was  graceful,  and  to  Odilo  he  seemed  '  of  all 
men  most  beautiful  '.^ 

In  Maiolus  we  meet  again  that  '  sweet  religion  of  tears ',  to 
Renan  a  characteristic  of  the  early  Christian  church.  At  the 
end  of  a  journey,  in  whatever  house  he  happened  to  be,  he 
retired  to  a  secret  corner,  where,  alone  and  unobserved,  he 
might  join  his  soul  to  God.  '  And  there  none  could  tell  with 
how  many  groans,  with  how  many  tears  he  was  afflicted,  the 
ground  before  him  being  watered  with  tears  as  if  flooded  by  a 
wave.'  2  Whenever  he  travelled  to  Rome,  he  stopped  at  every 
wayside  shrine,  and,  bursting  into  rivers  of  tears,  prayed  the 
saints  to  succour  him,  and  to  free  him  from  the  vile  sepulchre 
of  the  body.     But  once  in  the  Eternal  City  he  exulted  in  all  the 

J  Bibl.  Clun.  p.  284,  Vita  Odilone.  ^   Vita  Syro,  ii.  9. 

130 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  131 

joy  of  his  heart,  as  if  he  saw  the  glorious  princes  and  apostles 
before  him. 

Like  Odo  he  encouraged  innocent  joy,  and  loved  to  see  others 
happy.  A  charming  picture  is  given  of  his  arrival  at  Le  Puy,^ 
which  may  have  been  his  native  town.  '  Men  and  women 
rejoiced  to  see  him  :  the  whole  town  danced  at  his  sight :  all 
sought  his  benediction  :  all  hoped  to  hear  his  holy  speech  :  a 
procession  was  formed  :  the  chief  men  assembled  together  :  the 
common  people  hastened  towards  him  :  the  holy  priests  of  the 
church  advanced  in  a  dense  throng.  They  applauded  and 
cheered  him  with  dancing  and  clapping  of  hands.  Accompanied 
by  the  crowd,  he  proceeded  to  church,  and,  prostrate  on  the 
ground,  adored  his  Christ,  calling  on  Him  with  beating  of  the 
breast  and  watering  the  ground  with  his  tears — tears  which 
winged  their  flight  to  the  sky.' 

But  though  he  rejoiced  to  see  others  happy,  above  all  things 
he  loved  solitude.  Unlike  Odo,  who  on  a  journey  proceeded 
on  his  way  singing  cheerily  and  encouraging  his  monks  to  do  the 
same,  Maiolus  rode  alone  with  an  open  book  in  his  hand.  '  His 
reading  was  not  restricted  to  ecclesiastical  works  alone,  though 
when  he  read  philosophy  and  books  of  secular  wisdom,  he  always 
kept  in  mind  the  teaching  of  the  divine  word.  Passages  about 
love  and  the  conduct  of  worldly  affairs,  to  him  superfluous,  he 
passed  over  as  if  poisonous.'  ^  Rarely  did  his  book  leave  him, 
and  he  read  both  by  day  and  by  night.  He  delighted  also  to 
listen  to  the  conversation  of  the  wise,  and  to  follow  discussions 
on  any  point  of  Scripture.  In  his  knowledge  of  the  Scriptures 
he  was  accounted  second  to  none,  yet  never  spoke  in  a  discussion 
unless  his  opinion  was  asked,  when  he  replied  prudently  and 
well.^  He  could  quote  all  the  evangelical  and  apostolic  precepts, 
and  his  reputation  for  learning  was  great,  though,  unlike  the 
learned,  he  never  boasted. 

Characteristic  of  Maiolus  was  his  love  of  moderation,  an 
interesting  point  when  it  is  remembered  that  the  Cluniac  School 
1  Ibid.  )i.  11.  -  Ibid.  ii.  4.  ^  jbj^j  ^  g. 


132  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

lias  been  misrepresented  as  inaugurating  and  upholding  an 
extreme  standard  of  asceticism.  As  a  discreet  father  he  was 
abstinent  in  all  things  (but  allowed  no  one  to  praise  him  for 
that).  Tempering  the  apostolic  injunction,  he  used  a  little 
wine,  though  sparingly.  He  also  availed  himself  of  the  con- 
cessions of  the  rule,  not  from  any  desire  to  cherish  volupty, 
but  in  order  to  supply  his  bodily  needs.  When  present  at  the 
tables  of  the  great  he  partook  of  whatever  was  set  before  him, 
not  too  much  and  not  too  little,  '  for  the  mean  is  praiseworthy, 
and  in  all  things,  even  in  good  things,  whatever  exceeds  the 
mean  is  a  vice  '.^  In  dress  he  followed  the  same  principle 
of  moderation,  his  garments  being  neither  too  fine  nor  too  shabby, 
in  this  unlike  the  generality  of  men  who  valued  dress  either  too 
much  or  too  little.^  He  never  appeared  filthy  and  ragged, 
in  order  to  arouse  admiration  by  an  outward  semblance  of 
sanctity. 

His  charity  was  marked  by  the  same  rule  of  moderation. 
Though  always  ready  to  relieve  the  necessities  of  the  poor,  he 
never  let  his  almsgiving  degenerate  into  excess. 

His  speech  was  marked  by  brevity,  '  whatever  he  said  was 
weighty  with  the  weight  of  wisdom,  seasoned  as  with  salt, 
grave  in  its  virtue,  and  precious  for  its  prudent  sweetness  '. 
He  would  reason  with  sinners  with  pious  love,  but  when  it  was 
necessary,  and  when  he  could  thereby  lead  an  erring  soul  to  truth, 
he  was  severe  in  rebuke,  when  his  words  were  '  sharp  and  cutting 
as  whips '.  Having  administered  a  rebuke,  it  was  wonderful 
how  holily  and  piously  he  could  console  the  sinner.^ 

Asked  to  appoint  one  of  his  monks  prior  of  St.  Paul's,  Rome, 
he  chose  one  who,  after  many  excuses,  at  last  refused  to  go. 
Maiolus  bore  his  disobedience  quietly  and  started  without  him. 
The  monk  was  so  vehemently  reproached  by  his  companions  for 
'  his  obstinate  hardness '  that  '  panting  with  anxiety  and 
haste  '  he  followed  Maiolus.  He  reached  a  river,  and  seeing  his 
master  on  the  opposite  bank,  flung  himself  on  the  ground  to 
1  Ibid.  ii.  8.  ^  i^id.  3  n^i^,  i^,  5, 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  133 

beseech  with  his  body  the  pardon  he  was  unable  to  ask  with  his 
tongue.  Maiolus  sent  a  boat  for  him.  Asked  if  he  would  do 
penance  he  answered  '  Yes  ',  whereupon  Maiolus  said,  '  Kiss  that 
man ',  a  leper  whose  face  was  covered  with  sores.  The  monk 
immediately  obeyed,  and  the  leprosy  vanished.^ 

His  knowledge  of  human  nature  was  great.  On  one  sinner 
he  would  work  by  blandishment,  on  another  by  admonition, 
on  a  third  by  terror.  Following  the  apostolic  injunction  he 
was  urgent  in  all  things  both  in  season  and  out  of  season. 

*  Beloved  by  God  and  man  he  studied  to  please  men  that  he 
should  not  be  displeasing  to  God,  and  to  please  God  that  he  might 
be  useful  to  men.'  His  standard  of  life  was  the  Gospel  precepts. 
He  studied  himself  as  in  a  mirror,  and  whenever  he  discovered 
a  fault  in  himself  immediately  corrected  it,  ever  striving  to  adorn 
his  mind.  His  chief  counsel  to  his  monks  was  to  keep  peace 
with  all  men.  Like  the  apostle  he  could  say,  '  I  have  been  all 
things  to  all  men  '. 

Deeply  compassionate  when  it  was  a  question  of  helping 
others,  he  cared  nothing  for  his  own  comfort.  On  one  journey 
he  took  off  his  cloak  and  wrapped  it  round  a  poor  man  whom 
he  was  distressed  to  see  without  either  shoes  or  coat.  Nor  did 
he  hesitate  to  draw  a  moral  from  the  incident,  for  when  the  bishop 
of  the  town  gave  him  a  new  cloak,  better  in  cut  and  material, 
he  turned  to  his  monks  and  said,  '  Let  us  not  hesitate  to  give 
to  Him  who  so  abundantly  and  speedily  can  return  what  we 
give.'  '^ 

In  Sirius'  judgement^  he  possessed  all  the  virtues.  '  Where 
divers  faithful  men  are  praised  for  different  virtues,'  ho  wrote, 

*  the  blessed  Maiolus  is  to  be  praised  as  possessing  not  one  but 
all.     Besides,  he  excelled  in  the  greatest,  the  virtue  of  despising 

*  Bibl.  Chin.  p.  294,  ex  Petro  Damiano,  De  tola  cor  pore  linguam  facit. 

-   Vita  Si/ro,  ii,  18. 

^  Ibid.  ii.  10,  Veruni  nos  ens  in  eo  laudare  debemus,  quas  iota  novit  Italia, 
non  ignorat  Gerniania,  in  (pdhKs  iota  exsultat  Gallia  :  restaurationem  coenobiorum, 
paceni  ecclesiis  redditam,  rcgiim  et  principum  roncordiam,  intemeratam  regulae 
observantiam,  lucrum  aniinaruni. 


134  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

the  glory  of  having  virtue.'  '  Among  all  men  of  his  time  he 
shone  pre-eminent,  honourable  in  action,  sober  in  counsel, 
humble  in  prosperity,  patient  in  adversity.  He  was  affable 
to  the  gentle,  terrible  to  the  proud,  generous  when  it  was  fitting, 
sparing  when  it  was  right.'  ^ 

'  How  pleasing  Maiolus  was  to  God  was  seen  by  the  signs  and 
miracles  God  worked  through  him.  He  healed  many  who  were 
sick,  many  who  were  blind,  many  bitten  by  serpents,  by  wolves, 
or  by  dogs,  many  possessed  by  devils,  and  rescued  many  from 
death  by  drowning  or  by  fire.  The  number  of  souls  he  saved 
was  known  to  God  alone.'  ^  Only  one  gift  was  denied  him, 
as  Sirius  mourned,  that  of  bringing  the  dead  back  to  life. 
But  he  did  what  was  more  wonderful,  united  the  soul  with  the 
Maker  from  whom  it  had  been  alienated  by  sin — '  bringing 
back  to  the  joys  of  eternal  life  many  dead  in  soul,  and  by  the 
net  of  his  preaching  dragging  to  the  firm  and  solid  shore  many 
who  had  been  submerged  in  the  waves  of  the  great  sea.  To 
many  sitting  in  the  shadow  of  Death  he  showed  the  way  to  the 
heavenly  Jerusalem.'  ^ 

The  first  of  the  '  miracles  '  occurred  when  Maiolus  was  at 
Macon.  It  was  a  time  of  famine.  Every  day  the  number  of 
the  starving  increased,  and  his  heart  was  daily  wrung  by  the 
sufferings  of  the  poor  who  flocked  round  him  begging  for  help. 
All  the  resources  of  the  houses  could  not  have  relieved  them. 
He  therefore  betook  himself  to  secret  prayer.  On  rising  he 
saw  seven  solidi  lying  on  the  ground.  Fearing  that  this  was 
•  a  trick  of  the  devil,  or  that  some  one  had  lost  the  money,  he 
dared  not  touch  it.  When  he  found  that  it  was  real,  and  that 
no  one  claimed  it,  he  used  it  thankfully,  not  for  his  own  neces- 
sities, but  for  those  of  the  poor.^ 

The  Vitae  give  great  importance  to  the  story  of  Maiolus' 
capture  by  the  Saracens.  This  occurred  on  his  return  to  Cluny 
after  his  first  visit  to  the  imperial  court  at  Pa  via.  He  was 
accompanied  by  many  monks  and  clerks  who  were  to  escort 

1  Vita  Odilone.  ^   Vita  Syro,  ii.  10.  ^  Ibid.  ii.  10.  '  Ibid.  i.  10. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  135 

him  part  of  the  way.  The  passage  of  the  Alps  was*  known 
to  be  unsafe,  and  suddenly  the  Saracens  swooped  down  on 
the  Christians.  Unable  to  defend  themselves,  the  monks  fled. 
Maiolus,  who  might  have  escaped,  would  not  leave  his  companions, 
and  was  taken  prisoner.  For  refusing  to  admit  the  power  of  the 
Saracens'  god,  he  was  bound  in  chains  and  imprisoned  in  a  cave. 
Thinking  nothing  of  his  own  sufferings,  his  only  thought  was  to 
comfort  his  companions.  His  virtue  was  rewarded ;  he  saw 
one  of  the  apostles  standing  near  him,  and  his  chains  fell  off. 
Another  sign  was  granted  him.  He  had  grieved  at  having 
lost  the  books  with  which  he  always  travelled,  when  to  his 
joyful  surprise  he  found  his  little  volume  on  the  Assumption — 
proof  that  he  would  be  rescued  before  that  festival,  only  twenty- 
four  days  distant.^ 

Although  the  Vitae  make  a  great  deal  of  the  perils  which 
menaced  Maiolus,  he  was  merely  held  up  for  ransom.  The 
Saracens  questioned  him  if  he  were  rich  enough  to  pay  for  him- 
self and  his  companions.  He  affably  replied  that  he  neither 
possessed  nor  wished  to  possess  anything  in  this  world,  but 
that  under  him  were  many  who  had  ample  funds  and  the  money 
of  God.^  Ordered  to  write  to  Cluny  he  did  so  in  the  following 
words  :  '  Lords  and  brothers  of  Cluny,  the  roaring  bulls  of  Belial 
surround  me,  and  the  jaws  of  death  yawn  for  me.  Therefore  send 
if  it  please  thee  the  amount  of  the  ransom  our  captors  require.'  ^ 

This  letter  when  read  in  the  chapter  at  Cluny  caused  great 
dismay  and  anguish.  '  There  was  one  sound  of  w^eeping  and 
one  cry  of  sorrow.'  Immediate  and  spontaneous  was  the  effort 
to  raise  the  sum  required,  good  men  from  the  neighbouring 

^  Ibid.  iii.  1.  It  is  not  known  to  what  occasion  Sirius  referred.  In  the 
Souvigny  Vila  the  story  is  worked  up.  A  new  detail  is  given  that  some  of  the 
Saracens,  fearing  there  would  be  an  attempt  to  rescue  Maiolus,  rushed  at  him 
as  he  stood  alone  on  a  high  rock.  Instead  of  hurling  him  from  it,  they  fell  them- 
selves and  were  killed.     Maiolus  mourned  for  them. 

-  Bibl.  Clun.  p.  295,  ex  Rod.  Glabro,  i.  4.  According  to  the  Souvigny  Life 
Maiolus  knew  nothing  about  the  ransom. 

^  Vita  Syro,  iii.  4,  Maiolus  miser  captirus  et  calenatus.  Torrentes  Belial 
circumdederunt  me,  preorcu paver unt  me  laqiiei  mortis.  Redemptionis  pretium 
si  placet,  mittite  pro  me  et  his  qui  una  mecum  capti  tenentur. 


136  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

district/bringing  their  quota,  wealthy  men  their  treasure,  and  the 
monks  giving  up  gladly  both  from  the  necessaries  and  ornaments 
of  the  monastery.  '  For  the  freeing  of  such  a  father  each  gave 
what  he  could,  and  held  himself  wretched  and  unworthy  that 
he  could  not  give  more.'  All  these  offerings  formed  a  common 
fund  which  was  sent  to  the  Saracens.  Before  the  ransom 
arrived,  the  hearts  of  the  Saracens  had  been  softened,  and  Maiolus 
had  converted  several  of  them  to  Christianity.  They  affirmed 
that  while  the  soldiers  slept  peacefully  by  night,  and  Maiolus 
was  engrossed  in  prayer,  they  had  often  heard  voices  as  of  a 
multitude  singing.  As  there  was  no  inn  near,  this  must  have 
been  the  voices  of  angels  who  sang  with  him !  The  ransom 
delivered,  Maiolus  reached  Cluny  in  time  to  celebrate  the  feast 
of  the  Assumption. 

The  Saracen  raid  was  not  left  long  unavenged.  '  Nothing 
happens  on  this  earth  without  a  reason,  and  this  disaster 
occurred  not  in  opposition  to  the  divine  providence  but  because 
of  it,  that  by  the  anguish  of  the  one,  the  many  might  be  saved.' 
The  men  of  the  district  raised  a  strong  force  under  William  of 
Aries,  and  set  out  in  pursuit  of  the  Saracens,  who,  heavily  laden 
with  booty,  were  proceeding  to  their  headquarters  in  Fraxinetum. 
The  struggle  was  not  long.  Hopelessly  outnumbered,  the  enemy 
soon  took  to  flight.  Almost  all  of  them  perished,  for  having 
taken  refuge  on  a  rocky  height  accessible  only  on  one  side,  they 
were  cut  off  by  the  Christians,  and  had  to  choose  between  death 
at  the  hands  of  their  foes,  or  death  from  the  precipitous  rocks. 
They  chose  the  latter  alternative,  and  to  the  amazement  of 
the  Christians  their  dead  bodies  were  seen  next  morning  lying 
at  the  foot  of  the  rocks.  The  mediaeval  readiness  to  see  the 
miraculous  in  great  events  made  men  to  believe  that  the  com- 
pleteness of  the  victory  was  due  to  the  merits  of  Maiolus,  who 
though  absent  in  the  body  had  been  present  in  the  spirit.  There- 
fore, in  gratitude  for  his  spiritual  help,  when  the  spoils  were 
divided,  the  books  he  had  lost  were  sent  to  Cluny, — as  indeed 
might  have  been  expected  in  any  case. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  137 

Several  of  the  miracles  occurred  when  Maiolus  was  travelling. 
Once  riding  through  a  wood,  '  sunk  in  deepest  meditation 
broken  only  by  tears  and  sighs  ',  he  fell  asleep.  His  horse  went 
on,  but  stopped  where  the  huge  branch  of  a  tree  blocked  the 
way.  Maiolus,  not  knowing  his  danger,  slept,  and  in  his  sleep 
saw  a  beautiful  boy  holding  the  horse's  bridle.  Awakening,  he 
thanked  God  with  tears  for  having  guarded  him  from  the  peril 
of  sudden  death. ^  Another  time,  when  he  and  his  monks  were 
travelling  in  a  '  desert  region  ',  he  ordered  for  refection  moruclae 
which  had  been  given  him  the  day  before.  The  servant,  on 
going  to  prepare  them,  found  them  broken  and  unfit  for  use. 
As  this  was  due  to  his  carelessness  he  was  afraid  to  tell 
Maiolus.  But  the  latter  already  knew  through  the  spirit,  and 
quietly  told  his  companions  to  search  for  more.  Now,  though 
moruclae  had  never  been  known  to  grow  there  before,  this  time 
great  quantities  were  found  !  ^ 

Indeed,  the  problem  of  commissariat  was  easily  solved  when 
Maiolus  was  present.  Once  returning  from  Aquitaine,  he  decided 
to  pay  a  visit  to  a  monastery,  first  sending  a  messenger  to  say 
he  was  coming.  The  monks  rejoiced,  but  the  purveyor  was  in 
despair,  because  for  long  he  had  been  short  of  fish.  However, 
he  told  the  fishers  to  go  down  to  the  river  and  to  call  on  the 
name  of  Maiolus.  This  they  did,  and  to  their  joyful  amazement 
caught  an  enormous  salmon,  a  fish  never  before  found  in  that 
river.  Great  was  the  joy  when  Maiolus  arrived  !  Another  time 
at  St.  Paul's,  Rome,  he  found  the  brothers  in  a  poverty-stricken 
condition.  Having  relieved  their  necessities,  he  begged  the 
dispensator  to  give  them  a  special  gift  of  a  pound  of  silver,  but 
he,  as  the  monastery  was  poor,  gave  only  half  a  pound.  Maiolus 
made  no  remark.  On  going  out  later  a  man  unexpectedly  gave 
him  ten  solidi,  which  he  handed  to  the  dispensator,  admonishing 
him  to  have  more  faith  in  the  future.^ 

1  Ibid.  iii.  15. 

-  Bibl.  Clun.  p.  1772.      Morucln.  a  kind  of  fungus  (Dncange). 

^    Vita  Syro,  ii.  17. 


138  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

Fearing  the  sin  of  pride,  he  always  shunned  the  gaze  of  the 
multitude.  At  Pavia,  where  his  every  movement  was  watched, 
he  used  to  go  to  church  secretly  at  dead  of  night.  One  winter 
night  the  weather  was  so  bad  that  the  devil  tried,  but  in  vain, 
to  dissuade  him  from  going.  Maiolus  set  out  '  just  as  clouds 
had  covered  the  twinkling  stars '.  The  evil  one  put  his  lantern 
out.  This  terrified  his  companions.  Maiolus  calmed  their 
fears,  knowing  that  God  would  not  forsake  them.  And  indeed, 
as  he  arose  from  prayer  his  candle  of  itself  began  to  burn,  a 
lesson  to  the  brothers  !  ^  When  William  of  Provence  was  dying 
he  sent  for  Maiolus,  convinced  that  the  abbot's  prayers  would 
save  his  soul.  Maiolus  hurried  to  Avignon,  where  he  was  well 
known.  Wishing  to  escape  the  public  gaze,  he  ordered  his 
tent  to  be  pitched  on  an  island  in  the  Rhone.  The  people, 
however,  determined  to  see  him,  crowded  on  to  an  old  boat 
and  started  for  the  island.  In  mid-stream  the  boat  began  to 
sink,  and  men,  women,  and  children,  none  of  whom  could  swim, 
were  thrown  into  the  waves.  Their  cries  for  help  reached  Maiolus. 
Great  was  his  distress,  and  bending  his  head  he  prayed.  Then 
all  that  multitude  appeared  on  the  crest  of  the  wave,  '  the  men 
and  boys  swimming,  the  women,  with  their  babies  in  their  arms, 
borne  along  by  their  inflated  garments '.  Sailors  hastened  to 
the  rescue,  and  all  were  saved  !  Still  more  miraculous,  a  servant, 
sent  by  count  William  with  loaves  for  Maiolus,  was  saved  by 
virtue  of  those  loaves,  three  of  which  were  untouched  by  the 
water  !  ^  Not  only  did  water  lose  its  natural  power  before  the 
merit  of  the  abbot,  but  fire  also.  Once  Maiolus,  who  was  in  the 
habit  of  reading  at  night,  fell  asleep  with  his  candle  burning 
and  resting  on  the  open  page.  Awakening  with  a  start,  his  first 
thought  was  for  his  beloved  book,  '  a  rare  copy  which  could 
not  easily  be  replaced  '.  But  he  found  that,  though  the  candle 
had  burnt  itself  out,  and  ashes  lay  on  the  book,  yet  it  was 
unharmed.  Very  joyfully  did  he  thank  God  for  having  thus 
caused  the  fire  to  lose  its  natural  energy.  ^ 

1  Ibid.  iii.  16.  ''  Ibid.  iii.  18.  ^  Ibid.  iii.  17. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  139 

Quite  a  number  of  the  miracles  circle  round  the  healing 
power  of  the  water  in  which  Maiolus  washed  his  hands.  Once 
at  Valla vense  a  band  of  mendicants  ran  to  him,  '  wise  ',  as  Sirius 
with  a  touch  of  humour  puts  it,  '  in  that  they  managed  to  live 
on  the  morsels  which  fell  from  others  '.  One  of  them,  who  was 
blind,  sought,  not  material  help,  but  the  gift  of  sight,  St.  Peter 
having  revealed  to  him  that  if  he  bathed  his  eyes  with  water  in 
which  Maiolus  had  washed  his  hands,  he  would  see.  Rebuked 
and  dismissed  by  Maiolus,  he  tried  in  vain  to  get  the  water  from 
the  servants.  Still  he  persevered,  and  when  Maiolus  was  leaving 
the  town  he  ran  in  front  of  his  horse,  caught  hold  of  its  bridle, 
and  swore  that  no  whipping  or  punishment  would  make  him 
leave  go  until  Maiolus  blessed  water  which,  with  prudent  fore- 
sight, he  had  brought  in  a  jar  slung  round  his  neck.  His  faith 
moved  the  saint,  who  dismounted,  prayed  with  his  monks,  and 
blessed  the  water.  The  beggar  then  bathed  his  eyes,  and  saw.^ 
The  same,  thing  happened  when  the  father  of  a  little  blind  boy 
received  from  the  servants  water  in  which  Maiolus  had  washed 
his  hands.  The  child  recovered  his  sight,  but  when  Maiolus  was 
told  he  ordered  that  all  such  water  should  in  future  be  poured 
out  before  him.^  Water  he  blessed  had  also  healing  powers.^ 
A  noble  matron,  who  had  long  been  ill,  sent  water  to  be  blessed 
by  him.     On  drinking  it  she  immediately  recovered. 

Indeed,  there  was  no  need  of  a  doctor  when  Maiolus  was  present. 
Once  on  a  journey  a  monk  fell  dangerously  ill,  '  first  burning 
with  fever,  then  turning  so  cold  that  it  seemed  impossible  to 
warm  him  '.  Maiolus  took  off  his  coat  and  covered  him.  He 
mimediately  fell  asleep,  perspired,  and  awoke  as  if  nothing  had 
ever  been  the  matter  with  him  !  *  Another  time  a  German  count, 
who  was  ill  and  could  eat  nothing,  sent  messengers  to  beg  for 
some  of  the  abbot's  food.  It  was  given.  As  soon  as  the 
messengers  started  home  the  count  began  to  recover,  and  on 
eating  the  food,   became  quite  well.^     In  Pavia,   Hildebrand, 

1  Ibid.  ii.  12.  -  Ibid.  ii.  13.  3  Ibid.  ii.  12. 

*  Ibid.  ii.  U.  6  H)id_  m^  ^i. 


140  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

monetaruis  of  a  monastery,  was  very  ill.  He  had  spent  in  vain 
great  sums  on  skilful  doctors  and  priests,  and  given  much  to 
the  poor.  Maiolus  coming  to  Pavia  visited  him.  Three 
days  after  he  recovered  !  ^  In  the  case  of  the  bishop  of  Chur 
he  healed  both  soul  and  body.  The  bishop,  who  was  very  ill, 
confessed  to  Maiolus  that  he  was  afraid  there  would  be  no 
reward  for  him  in  Heaven.  The  blackness  of  his  guilt  was  so 
great  that  any  good  he  had  done  was  done,  not  for  its  own 
reward,  but  from  vainglory.  His  confession  eased  him,  and 
when  Maiolus  prayed  for  him  at  High  Mass  on  Easter  Day,  not 
only  did  he  recover  his  bodily  health,  but  was  thereafter  saved 
from  the  sting  of  vainglory.^ 

Several  miracles  were  worked  at  his  tomb.  The  majority  are 
of  the  usual  conventional  type,  though  a  few  are  quaint  and  naive. 
One  tells  of  a  paralytic  who  set  out  to  pray  at  the  saint's  tomb, 
sure  that  by  this  act  of  faith  he  would  be  healed.  He  travelled 
in  a  cart  drawn  by  two  oxen  and  a  horse.  The  day  he  started, 
he  found  himself  a  little  better  and  could  be  lifted  on  to  the 
horse,  and  each  succeeding  day  he  recovered  a  little.  When 
his  journey  was  almost  done,  he  came  to  a  church  dedicated  to 
God  and  St.  Maiolus.  There  he  left  the  horse  and  cart  as  a  gift, 
and  went  on  his  way  with  the  oxen  driven  before  him.  At  the 
tomb  he  prayed  and  was  made  whole,  so  he  gave  the  oxen  to 
St.  Maiolus,  and  also  a  serf.^ 

A  story,  which  has  a  pagan  touch,  tells  of  an  ignorant  old 
peasant  woman,  who,  on  a  very  hot  day,  cursed  the  rays  of  the 
sun.  As  a  judgement  she  was  struck  blind,  and  not  till  she  went 
on  pilgrimage  to  Maiolus'  tomb  was  she  healed.* 

Another  poor  woman,  who  had  an  only  son,  was  told  in  a 
vision  to  give  the  boy  to  the  saint's  service.  She  took  no 
notice,  thinking  it  incredible  that  a  divine  messenger  would 
visit  a  poor  woman  like  herself.  Then  the  boy  fell  ill,  and 
only  when  she  had  taken  him  to  the  monks  and  begged  that 

1  Ibid.  iii.  13.  ^  ibid.  ii.  16. 

^  Bihl  Clun.  p.  1812,  Miraculorum  Maioli.  *  Ibid.  p.  1797. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  141 

he  should  be  instructed  in  letters  {Uteris  erudiendum)  did  he 
recover.  1 

The  saint,  indeed,  looked  well  after  his  devotees.  Once 
several  pilgrims  returning  from  his  tomb  reached  the  Loire, 
which  they  could  not  cross  as  the  boat  was  at  the  far  side,  and 
the  boatman  refused  to  come  for  them.  They  called  on  Maiolus, 
when  the  boat  crossed  to  them,  waited  for  them  to  enter,  and 
without  earthly  rowers  or  captains  bore  them  to  the  opposite 
shore  !  ^ 

Another  time  a  pilgrim  was  robbed  on  his  way  to  the  tomb. 
Undismayed  and  unresentful  he  continued  his  journey.  The 
robber,  struck  with  contrition,  followed  and  gave  him  back  all 
he  had  stolen  !  ^ 

The  saint,  too,  would  avenge  any  slight  to  his  dignity,  as 
a  woman  learnt  to  her  cost.  She  sinned  in  that  she  did  not 
stop  weaving  to  celebrate  the  vigil  of  his  festival.  In  con- 
sequence, the  iron  instrument  which  she  was  using  stuck  to  her 
hand,  '  as  if  it  were  born  there '.  Only  after  long  and  fervent 
prayer  to  Maiolus  was  it  removed  !  *  On  one  occasion  the  writer 
evidently  felt  that  his  story  was  somewhat  thin,  so  he  cited  as 
witnesses  not  only  the  common  people  but  king  Hugh  himself, 
Burchard,  count  of  Paris,  and  his  son,  Rainald,  bishop  of  Paris. 

Writing  162  years  after  the  death  of  Maiolus,  Peter  the 
Venerable  claimed  that  during  that  time  no  saint  had  healed 
more  sick  and  sorrowful  than  he.  And  could  Sirius  only  have 
known  it,  his  merit  had  even  called  a  dead  child  back  to  life. 
A  poor  woman  had  a  little  son  who  died.  She  wasted  no  time 
in  mourning,  but  gathering  up  the  child  in  her  arms,  set  forth, 
replying  to  all  condolences  and  questioning,  '  I  bear  my  dead 
to  Maiolus  who  will  give  him  back  to  me.'  Arrived  at  Souvigny, 
she  laid  the  child's  body  before  the  altar.  Great  was  the  agita- 
tion of  the  monks  and  laymen,  for  though  St.  Maiolus  had  cured 

1  Ibid.  p.  1798.  -  Ibid.  p.  1808.  •''  Ibid.  p.  1805. 

*  Ibid.  p.  1810,  Maiolus  sicul  est  mitis  et  propitius  suave  iugum  Domini 
portantibus,  sic  cdsligator  manel  districtus  in  incredulitatis  duritia  permanentibus. 

6T.    rv;iCHAJlL'S        \  "^ 

COLLEGE  y^ 

..^  c?> 


142  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

many  ca^es  of  disease  and  sickness,  he  had  never  been  known  to 
bring  the  dead  back  to  life.  From  the  first  to  the  ninth  hour 
the  body  lay  before  the  altar.  Then  of  a  sudden  the  eyes  opened 
and  the  boy  called  for  his  mother,  who  ran  to  him.  Immediately 
the  people  lifted  up  their  voices,  praising  God  and  St.  Maiolus, 
*  even  the  monks  who  had  been  resting  ran  from  their  beds 
to  rejoice  at  the  miracle  '.^  All  the  inhabitants  of  Souvigny 
crowded  around — Souvigny,  which,  though  but  a  village,  was 
yet  inferior  in  numbers  to  no  town  in  Gaul,  thanks  to  the  fame 
of  the  saint.^ 

Rodulf  Glaber,  writing  about  the  same  time  (eleventh  century), 
tells  of  the  many  miracles  which  witnessed  to  Maiolus'  virtue 
and  raised  Souvigny  from  a  small  and  obscure  monastery  to 
a  famous  centre  of  pilgrimage.  '  From  the  whole  Roman  Empire, 
men  and  women,  afflicted  with  disease,  came  to  that  tomb  to  be 
healed.  At  the  time  of  the  great  plague  three  saints  in  parti- 
cular were  known  to  be  swift  to  help,  and  to  them  great  multi- 
tudes flocked.  These  three  were  St.  Martin  of  Tours,  Odolricus 
Maior,  and  Maiolus.'  ^ 

1  Bibl.  Clun.  p.  305,  ex  Petro  Venerabili,  ii.  31. 
-  Ibid.  p.  301,  Rod.  Glab.  iii.  5. 


CHAPTER  XIII 


ODILO,    FIFTH   ABBOT   OF   CLUNY 


OuiLO  succeeded  Maiolus  as  fifth,  abbot  of  Cluny.  He  was  a 
descendant  of  an  old  and  wealthy  family  of  Auvergne.^  His 
father  Berald  was  so  distinguished  in  '  authority  and  grace  ' 
that  he  was  known  to  all  as  Beraldus  the  Great.  In  behaviour 
and  dress  he  was  different  from  any  other  prince,  so  eminent  in 
virtue  that  his  word  was  held  as  good  as  his  bond.  His  mother, 
whose  family  was  equally  distinguished,  was  a  woman  of  deep 
piety.  After  her  husband's  death  she  gave  up  her  great  posses- 
sions and  riches,  left  her  children,  her  relatives,  and  her  country, 
and  entered  the  convent  of  St.  John,  Autun,  where  she  took  the 
veil.  Jotsaldus,  when  writing  his  Life  of  Odilo,  interviewed  the 
few  nuns  who  were  old  enough  to  have  known  her,  and  '  they, 
even  then  sorrowing  over  her  death,  told  him  with  sighs  of  her 
praiseworthy  life  and  of  her  gentleness,  of  her  eager  desire  to 
help  others  and  of  her  glorious  death  '.^ 

Odilo  was  one  of  a  large  family  and  had  several  brothers. ^ 
Of  his  two  sisters,  one  married.  The  other,  Blismodis,  became 
an  abbess  and  lived  to  the  age  of  a  hundred  years.* 

As  a  child  he  was  delicate  and  partly  paralysed.  He  recovered 
in  a  manner  almost  'too  wonderful  for  belief  '.^     The  family  had 

^  Migne,  142,  Vita  Odilonis  Jotsaldo:  Praefatio.  Cf.  Migne,  144,  Vita 
Odilonis  P.  Damiano :  Arverniae  oriundus  ex  equestri  or  dine  genus. 

-    Vita  Jotsaldo  :  Praefatio. 

^  Bruel,  iii.  2788,  Eight  brothers  are  mentioned  by  name  :  Stephen,  Ebo, 
Berald  {prepositus  of  the  cathedral  of  Le  Puy),  William,  Eustorgius,  Bertran, 
Hicterius  (2).     The  grandfather's  name  was  also  Hicterius. 

*  Vita  Jotsaldo :  Praefatio.  Cf.  Bruel,  ii.  2788,  B.  venerabilis  abbatisse  et 
Aldegardis  secundum  seculum  nobilissime  matrone. 

^  Vita,  II.  i.  Quod  ne  cui  videatur  incredibile,  ah  ipsis  agnovi  quibus  ipse 
solitus  erat  narrare.    Cf.  Damiani,  p.  927. 

143 


144  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

been  travelling  from  place  to  place,  Odilo  being  carried  by  servants 
on  a  stretcher.  One  day  they  came  to  a  church,  and  the  servants 
went  on  to  get  provisions,  leaving  the  boy  with  the  luggage  at 
the  church  door.  The  door  was  open,  and  the  boy,  '  by  divine 
inspiration ',  on  hands  and  knees  crawled  to  the  altar.  There 
he  caught  hold  of  the  pall  and  tried  to  stand  up,  but  the  tissues 
of  his  legs  were  too  weak  and  he  fell  back.  He  tried  again  and 
again,  at  last  succeeded,  and  even  walked  round  the  altar.  When 
the  attendants  returned  they  were  terrified  at  finding  the  boy 
gone.  Entering  the  church  they  were  amazed  to  find  him  running 
about.  With  great  joy  they  brought  him  cured  to  his  parents. 
By  this  incident  God  showed  how  grateful  and  acceptable  Odilo 
was  to  Him. 

Henceforth  the  boy  loved  Mary  the  Mother  with  all  his 
strength,  and  when  older  he  entered  a  church  of  St.  Mary's, 
where,  with  God  as  his  only  witness,  he  offered  himself  to  the 
yoke,  saying,  '  Oh  most  pious  Virgin  and  mother  of  the  Saviour 
of  mankind,  from  this  day  henceforth  receive  me  into  thy  service. 
As  a  most  merciful  advocate  be  present  with  me  in  my  every 
deed,  for  I  place  none  before  thee  save  God  alone,  and  to  thy 
service  for  all  eternity  I  offer  myself.' 

From  his  childhood  he  was  dedicated  to  the  church,  and  at 
an  early  age  entered  St.  Julian's,  Brioude,^  where  he  was  soon 
distinguished  for  his  humility,  charity,  innocence,  and  purity. 
At  St.  Julian's,  too,  he  delighted  in  doing  works  of  mercy  as  far 
as  was  permitted  him.  But  to  his  lofty  aspirations  of  holiness 
the  life  at  St.  Julian's  seemed  strangely  inadequate.  St.  Julian's 
was  the  home  of  secular  canons.  To  Odilo  salvation  seemed 
only  attainable  in  the  regular  life,  the  monastic  calling. 
'  Therefore  he  began  to  deliberate  whether  he  should  not  forsake 
the  flesh-pots  of  Egypt  and  enter  the  land  of  promise.  Lord 
Jesus,  how  sweet  is  Thy  vocation,  and  how  sweet  the  inspiration 
of  Thy  spirit  which  makes  the  mind  to  throb,  and  which,  having 

^  Ibid.  I.  i,  Inter  ipsa  primordia  tanquam  alter  Isaac  Christo  consecratus  .  .  . 
et  Brivate  clericali  sorte  est  donatus.     Cf.  Damiani,  p.  928. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  145 

inspired  the  mind  of  the  young  man,  made  him  burn  for  the 
true  embrace  of  Solomon  !  '  ^ 

At  this  psychological  moment  he  met  Maiolus,^  then  '  an  old 
man  and  famous  throughout  the  world  '.  Maiolus,  on  a  visit  to 
Auvergne,  was  struck  by  the  young  clerk's  '  elegance  of  body 
and  nobility  of  carriage,  and  pierced  with  the  inner  eye  to  the 
spiritual  grace  of  which  these  were  but  the  outward  sign  '.  The 
two  talked  long  and  confidentially,  and  Odilo  decided  to  enter 
Cluny.  '  The  new  soldier  of  St.  Benedict  then  left  Romulus 
and  the  stronghold  of  Brioude.  Renouncing  his  ancestral 
wealth,  leaving  his  relatives  and  brothers,  like  Abraham  of  old 
who  went  forth  from  Ur  of  the  Chaldees,  he  went  to  Cluny  as  to 
another  land  of  promise.  Having  thrown  off  the  burden  of  the 
old  man,  he  clothed  himself  in  the  habit  of  a  monk.  Good 
Jesus,  how  joyful  it  was  to  see  the  sheep  willingly  shorn  from 
worldly  things,  rising  from  the  washing  of  baptism  and  going 
forth  with. its  young  twins  of  either  love,  bearing  nothing  sterile 
within  itself  and  no  vain  thought.'  ^ 

As  a  novice  he  was  distinguished  among  his  fellows  and  first 
in  good  works.  Nor  when  seeking  the  eternal  pastures  of  truth 
did  he  disdain  menial  tasks — '  the  cleaning  of  lanterns  and 
scouring  of  the  floor,  the  care  of  the  children.  But  the  pearl 
could  not  be  long  hid,  nor  the  strong  athlete  remain  unknown.'  ^ 
He  probably  entered  Cluny  four  years  before  Maiolus'  death. ^ 

1  Ibid.  r.  i.  ^  jbid.  j.  n  3  ibj^.  j.  m  4  i^id.  i.  3. 

^  Ibid.  i.  4,  Evolutis  fere  quatuor  annis.  The  first  charter  in  which  he  is 
named  abbot  is  dated  994.  In  990  Odilo,  son  of  Berald,  with  his  mother  and 
brothers  Stephen,  Ebo,  Berald,  Bertran  consenting,  gave  to  the  sacrosanct 
monastery  of  Cluny  part  of  the  property  to  which  he  had  legally  succeeded, 
situated  in  the  provuice  Auvergne,  the  county  Brioude,  the  vicaria  Auratus 
and  the  vill  Saraciacus.  In  that  vill  he  gave  whatever  was  his  by  hereditary 
right ;  also  a  manor  formerly  ceded  by  himself,  his  mother  and  brothers,  for 
the  burial  of  his  brother  Hicterius,  but  which  he  had  bought  back  for  a  hundred 
solidi  from  his  fathers  and  brothers,  the  lord  canons  of  Brioude.  He  gave  the 
property  on  condition  that  Maiolus  and  his  successors  should  hold  and  order 
it  as  they  would  and  never  alienate  or  sell  it  except  to  his  brothers.  This 
charter  has  been  taken  as  recording  the  gift  Odilo  made  on  entering  Cluny,  a 
hypothesis  discredited  by  the  final  clauses  :  if  he  changed  his  mind  or  if  his 
heirs  claimed  the  property  a  fine  was  to  be  paid  (Bruel,  iii.  1838). 

L 


146  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

From  the  first  the  old  abbot  regarded  him  with  special  love, 
and  when  he  felt  death  approaching/  he,  like  Aymardus  before 
him,  called  together  the  neighbouring  bishops  and  monks,  and 
proclaimed  Odilo  his  successor,  or  in  the  words  of  Jotsaldus, 
'  Maiolus,  after  having  sweated  with  great  labour  for  Christ, 
went  forth  from  the  darkness  of  Egypt,  and  having  traversed  the 
danger  of  the  seas  entered  Jerusalem,  and  was  gathered  to  the 
eternal  peace  of  the  Lord.  At  the  moment  of  his  death  he  named 
Odilo  his  successor,  entrusting  him  and  his  sheep  to  God.  Odilo 
could  not  refuse  the  office,  which  he  undertook  reluctantly  and 
indeed  more  unwillingly  than  could  be  believed.  The  choice  was 
ratified  by  the  unanimous  vow  of  all  the  monks,  and  as  another 
Moses  he  was  set  over  the  children  of  God.'  ^ 

The  charter  of  election  was  drawn  up  at  Cluny  and  signed  by 
king  Rudolf,  by  two  archbishops,  five  bishops,  seven  abbots,  three 
counts,  and  eighty -one  other  signatories.  It  ran  :  Maiolus,  an 
old  man  worn  out  by  age,  exhausted  by  bodily  weakness  and  unfit 
for  pastoral  duties,  feared  that  his  ill-health  would  prevent  his 
watching  over  Cluny's  interests,  and  that  as  a  result  the  order 
might  deteriorate  instead  of  being  borne  to  ever  higher  things. 
Having  summoned  a  great  assembly  and  many  bishops  and  abbots 
to  Cluny  (to  prevent  the  danger  of  Odilo's  refusing  the  office), 
he,  with  all  the  brothers,  sons,  and  servants  of  St.  Peter,  elected 
Odilo  abbot,  a  choice  unanimously  acclaimed.  Only  Odilo  held 
back  :  the  greater  proof  that  he  was  worthy  :  such  as  he  should 
be  forced  to  office  however  unwilling,  for  only  the  unworthy 
recklessly  aspire  to  honours.  The  charter  of  election  was  sent 
to  be  signed  by  duke  Hugh  and  Odo.  Those  present  at  Cluny 
also  signed  a  copy. 

Not  long  after  Cluny's  lands  were  attacked,  and  Odilo  with 
Vivian,  the  prior,  and  many  of  his  monks  came  to  the  synod  of 
Ansa  (994)  to  appeal  to  the  bishops  of  Lyons,  Vienne,  Autun, 

1  Ibid.  i.  4,  Instante  vero  mortis  articulo. 

^  Ibid.,  Ultra  quarn  credi  possit  invitus.     The  account  here  does  not  tally 
with  that  of  Sirius,  p.  113. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  U7 

Chalon,  Macon,  Valence,  Uzes,  Maurienne,  Grenoble,  Auguste, 
and  Tarantaise,  there  assembled. ^  He  begged  for  a  charter  of 
protection,  for  Cluny  was  afflicted  with  many  ills  and  much 
anguish.  The  bishops  out  of  reverence  for  St.  Peter  and  respect 
for  Maiolus,  that  holiest  abbot  and  magnificent  servant  of  God 
whose  death  they  mourned,  thereupon  proclaimed  that  the 
monks  were  to  hold  their  ecclesiae,  tenths,  and  dues  without 
molestation.  No  one  was  to  attack  Cluniac  land,  steal  from 
Cluniac  houses,  or  hold  the  burg  of  Cluny  on  pain  of 
excommunication  and  anathema.  No  public  judge,  nor  ex- 
accionarius,  count,  nor  any  one  with  his  own  army,  nor 
conductucius,^  was  to  make  a  castrum,  or  fortification  within  or 
near  Cluny  and  its  potestates,  or  to  build  there.  No  secular,  no 
military  dignitary,  nor  men  living  near  Cluny,  or  Carus  Locus, 
or  in  Cluny's  castrum  and  burg,  was  to  take  the  monks'  oxen, 
cows,  pigs,  horses,  or  other  possessions.  The  heaviest  ex- 
communication would  be  launched  on  such  ofTeriders,  for  it 
was  not  right  that  a  holy  monastery  should  suffer  from  malignant 
and  proud  men. 

Under  Odilo  the  number  of  the  brothers  at  Cluny  increased. 
'  He  stood  the  father  of  many  monks,  some  of  whom  came  to 
Cluny  as  boys,  some  as  youths,  some  as  old  men,  but  although 
they  were  of  different  ages,  of  different  character,  and  of  different 

1  Bruel,  iii.  2255. 

-  Exactionarius=Exactor--Publicanvs  (Ducange).  Conductitius=  Procurator 
plebis  or  minister  altaris  qui  canonica  portione  vntnis  accipiendo  suhiertione 
indebila  munus  ab  obsequio  suo  conductori  persolrit  (Ducange):  this  species 
of  simony  was  publicly  condemned  by  pope  Gregory.  Other  points  dealt 
with  church  discipline.  Only  a  priest  was  to  carry  the  sacred  body  and 
blood  to  the  sick.  The  '  body  of  the  Lord  '  was  not  to  be  kept  in  a 
church  more  than  a  week  and  always  to  be  renewed  on  Sunday.  Those 
who  came  to  vigils  were  allowed  to  stand  and  might  groan  or  sigh,  but 
there  was  to  be  no  talking  nor  scurrility  and  nothiii'z  done  but  what  was 
to  the  good  of  the  soul.  No  clerk  was  to  hunt.  It  was  to  be  remem- 
bered that  priests  were  not  to  marry.  If  they  did  they  lost  their  priestly 
office.  They  were  not  to  believe  in  nor  make  incantations  nor  auguries.  No 
one  was  to  work  after  the  ninth  hour  on  Saturdaj'.  No  one  was  to  buy  or  sell 
on  Sunday. 


148  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

rank,  Ite,  cherishing  them  all  with  one  moderation  and  virtue 
of  discretion,  with  maternal  love  and  paternal  care,  bound  them 
together  into  one  united  family.'  With  joy  he  could  repeat 
the  words  of  David  :  '  Thy  sons  shall  be  as  olive  trees  around  thy 
table.'  To  him  this  increase  in  his  flock  was  a  cause  of  rejoicing  ; 
to  some  of  the  monks  it  was  a  cause  of  anxiety,  because  of  the 
difficulty  of  feeding  so  many.  To  these  pessimists  Odilo  would 
say  :  '  Oh  brothers,  be  not  sorrowful  at  the  increase  of  the 
flock,  for  He  whose  voice  called  them  to  this  vocation  will,  by 
His  providence  and  mercy,  provide  for  their  needs.'  Joyfully 
he  would  precede  his  flock,  and  standing  in  the  middle  of  the 
choir,  with  great  thankfulness  he  would  look  right  and  left  at 
the  brothers  around  him.  Whenever  he  went  on  a  journey  so 
many  brothers  accompanied  him  that  he  might  have  been  taken 
not  so  much  as  a  leader  and  a  prince,  but  even  as  an  archangel 
of  monks  ^ — the  name  by  which  Fulbert  of  Chartres  called 
him. 

One  result  of  this  increase  in  numbers  was  the  enlargement 
of  the  monastic  buildings.  The  original  monastery  had  been 
built  mainly  of  wood.  Only  on  the  church  (rebuilt  by  Odilo' s 
successor)  had  expense  and  care  been  lavished.  When  examining 
the  rest  of  the  monastery  the  foundations  were  found  to  be 
unsafe.  Odilo,  therefore,  undertook  the  rebuilding  on  a  large 
scale.  '  He  marvellously  adorned  the  cloisters  with  columns 
and  marble  brought  from  the  farthermost  parts  of  the  province. 
These  were  conveyed  with  great  labour  to  the  river,  and  then 
carried  down  by  the  swift  current  of  the  Doubs  and  Rhone.' 
When  in  cheerful  mood  he  was  wont  to  boast  over  the  new 
buildings,  comparing  himself  to  Caesar  Augustus,  in  that  he  had 
found  Cluny  wood  and  left  it  marble.^ 

1   Vita  Jotsaldo,  i.  xi. 

^  Ibid.  i.  13.  Some  of  the  funds  for  the  restoration  came  from  Spain. 
Writing  to  Paternus,  abbot  of  the  Spanish  monastery  of  Pena,  Odilo  asked  him 
to  send  on  his  messengers  to  St.  John's  where  BishojD  Sanchiiis  (who  had  come 
from  Pampeluna  to  be  a  monk  at  Cluny)  had  left  his  possessions.  They  were 
to  bring  back  everything  belonging  to  the  bishop  :   with  the  silver  the  Cluniacs 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  149 

Little  is  known  of  the  first  years  of  his  rule.  Almost  as 
indefatigable  a  traveller  as  Odo,  he  was  probably  occupied  in 
those  early  years  in  extending  the  reform,  and  in  supervising 
the  houses  already  more  or  less  subject  to  Cluny.  During 
those  years  Cluny  steadily  rose  in  importance  and  more  than 
ever  required  protection  for  her  spacious  lands  and  amy)le 
privileges.  For  the  first  part  of  this  period  the  little  known 
of  the  abbey's  history  comes  from  the  charters  of  gift  and 
protection  which  steadily  increased  in  number. 

In  999,  at  Odilo's  and  Otto  III.'s  request,  Gregory  V.  granted 
Cluny  a  charter.  The  pope  gladly  concurred  with  the  wish  of 
the  abbot  and  the  '  unconquerable,  pious,  and  august  emperor  ' 
that  Cluny  should  be  strengthened  by  the  apostolic  authority, 
its  freedom  and  autonomy  proclaimed.  No  one,  how^ever  great 
or  powerful,  was  to  attack  its  monasteries,  cells,  churches, 
courts,  vills,  serfs,  woods,  vines,  plains,  meadows,  waters,  torrents, 
and  lands,  cultivated  and  uncultivated.  No  duke,  .bishop,  prince, 
nor  any  other  person  great  or  small  was  to  molest  the  monks 
and  their  property  or  dispute  their  right  to  tenths.  Under 
pain  of  anathema  no  bishop  nor  priest  was  to  enter  the  monastery 
for  ordination,  consecration  of  church,  or  celebration  of  mass, 
unless  asked  by  the  abbot.  Monks  were  to  be  ordained  by  what- 
ever bishop  and  in  whatever  place  the  abbot  pleased.  The 
abbot,  who  was  to  be  chosen  by  the  common  counsel  of  the  monks, 
could  ask  any  bishop  to  consecrate  him.  The  anathema  was 
called  down  on  any  one  who  dared  go  against  this  charter,^  in 
which  a  long  list  of  lands,  churches,  and  monasteries  subject  to 
Cluny  was  given.     At  a  time  when  Cluny  was  attacked  by  the 


would  be  able  to  finish  the  '  work  '  above  the  altar  begun  in  the  name  of  the 
bisliop  and  of  the  dead  king;  with  the  gold  which  the  bishop  had  brought  with 
him  they  had  been  able  to  replace  the  images  to  tiie  right  and  left  of  the  altar 
formerly  destroyed.  The  bishop  also  wished  his  consecrated  vessels  to  be 
sent  to  him.     The  rest  of  the  letter  is  lost  (Migne,  142,  Odilonis  Episf.  ii.). 

^  Migne,  l.'}7,  ]).  932,  Sciat  xr  .  .  .  (uuil/innatis  rincido  inuodauduw,  et 
cum  diubolo  einfique  atrociftsiniis  ponipi.'i  ntquc  nini  Jnda  fraditore  .  .  .  in 
aeternum  ignem  concnnnanduni,  ■'o'nnijqiir  in  mrnginini  tnrtnruinqur  rhnns 
donerfiuin  cum  i/ji/>//.s'  dcjiricuduni. 


150  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

laity  Benedict  VIII.  intervened,  and  ordered  the  bishops  of 
Burgundy,  Aquitaine,  and  Provence  to  excommunicate  the 
aggressors,  and  help  the  monks  ^  (1016)  (p.  157).  The  same 
year  he  sent  similar  instructions  to  the  bishop  of  Clermont  ^ 
(p.  158). 

In  1027  John  XIX.  granted  Odilo  a  very  full  charter 
confirming  all  Cluny's  privileges  and  liberties.^  In  the  same 
year  in  the  presence  of  king  Conrad,  then  in  Rome  for  his 
imperial  coronation,  the  pope  reaffirmed  Cluny's  privileges.* 
No  bishop  was  to  excommunicate  the  monks.  Again  in  1027 
John  granted  his  beloved  Odilo  a  ierrula  which  had  been  given 
to  St.  Peter's,  Rome,  some  time  before.  The  monks  were  to  pay 
an  annual  census  to  St.  Peter's  for  it.^  In  1045-46  Gregory  VI. 
at  Odilo's  request  confirmed  Cluny's  privileges  and  possession 
of  Romainmoutier,  as  granted  by  Conrad's  royal  charter.^ 
Clement  II.  (1046-47)  commended  Cluny  and  its  possessions  to 
all  the  bishops,  princes,  and  magnates  of  Gaul  and  Aquitaine."^ 

Odilo  was  also  indebted  to  the  Saxon  emperors.  Otto  III. 
in  his  short  reign  gave  several  charters  to  Cluniac  houses.  In 
998  at  Ravenna  he  confirmed  Peterlingen's  charters,  and  its 
possession  of  land  in  Colmar  and  Huttenheim,  including  a  manor 
given  by  himself.^  The  same  year  in  Rome,  at  the  request  of 
Odilo,  two  bishops  and  the  chancellor,  he  decreed  that  land 
for  long  taken  away  from  Ciel  d'  Oro  should  be  restored.^  In 
999,  at  Odilo's  request,  he  confirmed  Cluny's  possession  of  St. 
Maiolus',  Pavia,  with  the  property  given  in  the  past  and  what 
might  be  given  in  the  future.  No  duke,  archbishop,  bishop, 
marquis,  count,  judge,  viscount,  nor  any  one  great  nor  small 
subject  to  his  imperial  power,  was  to  interfere  with  the  monastery 
and  its  possessions.  Any  one  who  violated  the  charter  was  to 
pay  a  fine  of  100  pounds,  half  to  go  to  the  imperial  treasury, 
half  to  Cluny  ^^  (Rome).     Next  year  at  Pavia  he  confirmed  the 

1  Ibid.  139,  p.  1601.         ^  jbj^j   139^  p   iq28,         3  Migne,  141,  Joannis  Epist.  vi. 
4  JafEe,  i.  3101.  »  Bruel,  iv.  2798.  «  Jaffe,  i.  3136. 

7  Ibid.  i.  3144.  »  Mon.  Germ.  Hist,  Sickel,i.  273.  "  Ibid.  i.  281. 

10  Ibid.  i.  314. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  151 

immunity  and  rights  of  St.  Saviour's  placed  under  Cluny  by 
Adelheid.^  In  1001  at  Ravenna  he  confirmed  the  immunities 
and  possessions  of  St.  Apollinare  in  Classe.^  Odilo  also  knew 
Henry  II.  well.  The  latter  and  the  emperor  Conrad  loved  and 
praised  him  so  much  that  it  seemed  as  if  there  were  but  one 
heart  and  soul  between  them.^  Soon  after  Henry's  accession 
Odilo  visited  the  royal  court  at  Alsace,  when  the  king  con- 
firmed Cluny's  privileges*  (1003).  Next  year  he  was  in  Italy 
and  present  at  the  royal  coronation  in  the  Lombard  capital. 
The  night  after  the  men  of  Pavia  rose  against  the  Germans, 
a  revolt  quickly  crushed.  The  vanquished  went  to  beg  mercy 
from  the  king  at  the  monastery  of  Ciel  d'  Oro,  when  Odilo  inter- 
ceded for  them.^  Three  years  later  he  was  with  Henry  at  Neuberg 
on  the  Rhine.  In  1013  the  king  proceeded  to  Rome  for  the 
imperial  coronation.  Odilo  spent  Christmas  with  him  at 
Pavia, ^  and  went  on  with  him  to  Ravenna,  when  Henry  met 
Benedict  VIII. 

After  the  coronation  a  great  synod  was  held,  the  occasion 
probably  when  the  pope  in  the  sight  of  all  the  Roman  people 
presented  the  emperor  with  a  golden  apple  crowned  with  a 
cross.  Henry  at  once  perceived  the  significance  of  the  gift — 
the  apple  a  symbol  of  the  weight  of  empire,  the  cross  a  reminder 
that  his  rule  should  be  moderate.  Holding  the  gift  in  his  hand, 
'  Oh  best  of  fathers,'  he  said,  '  it  is  more  fitting  that  this  should 
belong  to  those  who  tread  the  pomps  of  the  world  underfoot 
and  follow  the  cross  of  the  Saviour.'  Forthwith  he  sent  the 
golden  apple  to  Cluny,  esteemed  the  most  righteous  of  all 
monasteries.'^     When  the  emperor  died  (1024),  special  masses 

1  Ibid.  i.  375.  -  Ibid.  i.  400. 

^  Vita  Jolsaldo,  i.  7.  Cf.  ii.  xi.,  Henry  loved  him  above  all  others  and 
humbly  adhered  to  his  counsels.  ^  Grandidier,  Hist,  d' Alsace,  i.  358. 

»  Vita  Jotsaldo,  i.  7,  Pavia  cuius  prece  et  industria  liberata  est  ab  excidio 
gladii  ct  periculo  iucendii. 

*  Coronation,  Feb.  14.  In  March  Henry  began  his  return  journej'.  Odilo 
was  with  him  at  Pavia.  In  JMay  they  were  in  Verona ;  at  Whitsuntide  at 
Bamberg.     Odilo  then  returned  to  Pavia  and  Cluny. 

"  Rod.  Glab.  i.  5. 


152  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

and  praters  for  his  soul  were  appointed  to  be  said  annually 
in  all  Cluiiiac  houses. 

Odilo  was  at  Mainz  for  Conrad's  coronation.  Peterlingen's 
charters  were  confirmed  soon  after.  Conrad  also  put  Bremen 
Novale,  Piedmont,  under  Odilo,  a  monastery  in  a  particularly 
evil  state.  Odilo's  nephew  was  appointed  abbot.  In  1026  he 
was  at  Pa  via  when  the  Lombards  again  rose  against  the  German 
king,  and  again  he  interceded  for  them.  He  was  with  Conrad 
in  Rome  (1027)  when  he  may  have  met  Knut  of  Denmark. 

Of  his  relations  with  Henry  III.  little  is  known.  A  letter 
discovered  by  Sackur  definitely  proves  that  contrary  to  the 
accepted  theory  Odilo  approved  of  the  emperor's  policy  in  raising 
Clement  II .  to  the  papal  throne.  '  He  was  present  when  the 
emperor,  acting  in  concert  with  princes  and  prelates,  judged 
Clement  worthy  to  ascend  the  throne.  He  was  present  at  the 
coronation  and  glorified  God  for  having  put  down  those  who  had 
stirred  up  strife,  and  having  strengthened  the  Roman  imperium 
by  the  choice  of  a  most  just  prelate  and  Catholic  head  of  the 
state'  (1049).^  When  Odilo  was  ill  in  Rome,  Clement  II. 
visited  him  frequently.  The  Cluniacs  seem  to  have  regarded 
the  pope  as  a  friend,  and  far  from  an  imperial  catspaw.  There 
is  no  hint  that  they  disapproved  of  the  emperor's  paramount 
authority  in  the  election.  Indeed,  the  Cluniacs  may  be  said 
to  have  welcomed  reform  from  whatever  source  it  came.  To 
Jotsaldus  one  of  Odilo's  special  merits  was  that  he  resisted 
princes  and  the  great  in  nothing. 

From  Rudolf  III.,  king  of  Burgundy,  Odilo  received  several 
charters.  In  the  first  (994),  Rudolf,  guardian  of  the  monastery, 
proclaimed  that  Cluny  was  to  be  left  in  peaceful  and  undisturbed 
enjoyment  of  its  property.     As  the  king  could  not  be  in  that 

^  Neues  Archiv,  xv.  p.  119,  In  cuius  sacra  unctione  praesens  adstitit,  dans 
gloriam  Deo  qui  Romanum  imperium  electa  iustissimo  presule  et  catholico 
reipublice  principe  sedatis  malorum  turbinibus  roborare  voluerit.  The  Cluniacs 
had  been  regarded  as  the  opponents  par  excellence  of  the  imperial  interference 
in  the  papal  elections.  Gfrorer  even  stated  that  Odilo  visited  Rome  with  the 
express  purpose  of  persuading  Clement  to  abdicate ! 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  153 

region  to  guard  the  abbey's  interests  he  exhorted  all  princes, 
judges,  and  rulers  of  counties  there,  to  be  a  defence  and  protection 
in  his  stead,  that  the  monks  might  in  full  security  pray  for 
himself  and  the  kingdom. ^  In  998,  at  the  request  of  '  that 
most  religious  abbot  and  the  brothers  sweating  in  the  service 
of  God ',  Rudolf  ratified  the  charters  given  Cluny  by  his 
ancestors. 2  The  same  year,  at  the  request  of  his  wife,  the 
archbishop  of  Lyons,  and  Odilo,  he  confirmed  Cluny's  possession 
of  Peterlingen  and  Romainmoutier,  with  the  cells,  churches, 
vills,  and  land  belonging  to  them.^  In  1029,  anxious  to  come 
to  the  help  of  the  labourers  who  worked  in  the  vineyard  of  the 
Lord,  and  to  grant  his  wife's  request,  he  gave  Cluny  the  ecclesia 
of  St.  Blaise  Liens,  with  hills  and  plains,  and  all  the  property 
belonging  to  it.*  After  his  death  his  queen  gave  Cluny  two 
manors.^  Odilo  also  received  charters  from  Robert,  king  of 
the  Franks.  In  999  Robert  confirmed  Cluny's  rights  over 
Paray.^ 

Some  time  between  1017  and  1025  he  and  his  son,  at  Odilo's 
request,  confirmed  Cluny's  possession  of  the  little  abbey  of  St. 
Cosmo  and  Damiani,  near  Chalon,  the  curtis  Belmont,  a  power 
(potestas)  with  its  churches  given  by  bishop  Manasses,  and  two 
other  churches  given  of  old.  The  monks  were  to  hold  all  these 
without  interference  from  king,  count,  or  any  person  of  inferior 
rank.'^  Another  royal  charter  was  granted  when  Cluny  was 
hard  pressed  by  neighbouring  bishops  and  nobles. 

The  duke  of  Burgundy  also  extended  his  protection  to  the 
monks  (1040).  He  had  spent  Easter  at  Cluny  and  been  received 
with  great  reverence  and  devotion.  When  he  returned  home 
Geoffrey,  the  prior,  and  the  congregation  of  Cluny  followed  him 
and  petitioned  that  in  return  for  their  hospitality  and  friend- 
ship he  would  grant  them  in  writing  the  promise  of  his  protection 

^  iii.  2270,  Invictissimus  cupio  c.s.sf  futor. 

-  iii.  24(35.     A  list  of  vills  is  given. 

3  iii.  2466.  *  iv.  2S12.  •■  iv.  2802. 

^  iii.  2485.     (livon  by  Hugh,  count  of  Chalon  and  hislioji  of  Auxonv. 

'  iii.  2711. 


154  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

and  he]p  wherever  his  power  extended.  Any  one  who  wished 
to  retain  his  '  favour  and  friendship  '  was  never  to  do  harm  or 
injury  to  any  place  belonging  to  Cluny.^ 

Some  years  before  this  Odilo  had  appealed  to  the  duke.  The 
latter,  surrounded  by  the  bishops  of  Autun  and  Langres,  abbot 
Halinard  of  St.  Benigne's,  and  many  of  his  fideles,  received  '  his 
faithful  friend  and  devoted  well-wisher  Odilo ',  who  laid  a  long 
complaint  before  them.  A  locus  and  the  church  St.  Maurice 
with  its  lands,  given  to  Cluny  (948)  by  the  bishop  of  Aries,  had 
been  taken  by  evil  men.^  Not  long  after,  Hugh  the  Great,  duke 
of  the  Franks,  visited  Burgundy.  The  evil-doers,  fearing  the 
monks  would  appeal  to  him,  waylaid  him  and  cunningly  strove 
to  persuade  him  that  the  land  and  church  were  rightly  theirs. 
The  duke  knew  better  and  restored  the  lands  to  Cluny.  After 
his  death  the  former  aggressors  and  their  heirs  again  seized 
the  lands.  Count  Otto  William  restored  them,  and  that  such 
unjust  aggression  might  cease  bought  the  men  off  with  another 
benefice.  The  monks  also  paid  them  a  large  sum  of  money. 
The  evil-doers  then  promised  to  make  solemn  and  public  restitu- 
tion before  the  duke  and  the  many  princes  and  magnates  with 
him.  Odilo  therefore  begged  the  duke  to  confirm  the  agree- 
ment, which  Robert  the  king  also  corroborated  (1032-39). 

^  Ibid.  iv.  2949,  Nullo  modo  quamlihet  torturam  aut  contrarietatem. 

^  Ibid.  iv.  2888.  Odilo  wished  the  duke  to  know  how  Cluny  had  received 
the  lands,  how  by  the  negligence  of  princes  and  the  violence  of  his  enemies  it 
had  lost  them,  and  by  whose  help  and  zeal  it  had  recovered  them. 


CHAPTER  XIV 


CLUNY  AN  OBJECT  OF  ATTACK 


When  Cluny  grew  in  temporal  riches  and  spiritual  renown, 
her  position  of  eminence  made  her  a  tempting  object  of  attack, 
her  riches  stirring  up  the  cupidity  of  the  lay  lords,  her  independ- 
ence awakening  the  jealousy  of  the  diocesan  bishops,  who  saw 
their  authority  threatened  by  the  principle  of  autonomy  which 
Cluny  claimed  not  only  for  herself  but  for  her  subject  monasteries. 
Cluny  was  attacked  by  lay  lords  in  1016  and  by  the  episcopate 
in  1025.     In  both  cases  Odilo  appealed  to  Rome. 

Strife  with  the  episcopate  arose  over  Cluny's  exemption 
from  diocesan  control.  The  bishop  was  invested  with  spiritual 
power  which  was  supreme  over  his  diocese.  In  this  power  St. 
Benedict  acquiesced,  and  directed  his  monks  to  do  the  same. 
From  the  first  occasionally,  but  more  frequently  after  the  Cluniac 
reform,  the  popes  granted  particular  monasteries  charters  of  pro- 
tection and  immunity  from  outside  control.  These  seem  to  have 
been  given  for  purely  practical  reasons.  The  special  protection 
of  the  papal  name  might  help  a  small  and  struggling  monastery. 
Special  immunity  was  an  advantage  when  the  spirit  of  reform 
within  a  monastery  was  checked  by  a  conservative  or  feudalised 
bishop,  or  nullified  by  lay  lords. 

But  though  the  popes  were  actuated  b}-  no  far-sighted  policy, 
in  this  they  were  unwittingly  forging  a  magnificent  weapon  of 
offence  against  the  episcopate.  In  the  ultramontane  struggle 
the  monasteries  proved  the  papacy's  most  valuable  asset.  A 
statesman  like  Nicholas  VI.  may  have  foreseen  what  a  powerful 
weapon  the  monasteries  would  be.  His  successors,  ignorant 
and  short-lived,  had  neither  the  capacity  nor  the  occasion  to 

155 


156  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

look  so  far  forward.  Nor  do  the  Cluniacs  seem  to  have  perceived 
what  a  harvest  would  be  reaped  from  the  seed  then  being  sown. 
Odo,  who  established  the  principle  of  Cluny's  autonomy,  did  so 
as  a  means  of  furthering  the  immediate  and  pressing  needs  of 
his  time.  The  bishops,  equally  unseeing  and  engrossed  with 
their  secular  duties,  were  glad  enough  to  have  the  responsibility 
for  the  inconspicuous  and  poverty-stricken  monasteries  shifted 
to  the  broad  if  careless  shoulders  of  Rome. 

When  the  reformed  monasteries  grew  in  importance  and 
number  the  bishops  began  to  be  jealous  of  their  privileges.  As 
interest  in  the  monastic  reform  was  aroused,  the  secular  church 
no  longer  received  all  the  gifts  of  the  faithful.  The  idea  gained 
ground  that  monasticism  represented  the  highest  Christian  life, 
and  that  the  monks  were  more  detached  from  worldly  interests 
than  the  secular  clergy,  when,  paradoxically  enough,  it  was  the 
monks  that  the  laity  delighted  to  enrich. 

Nor  did  abbots  and  bishops  see  eye  to  eye  about  the  provision 
for  those  monks  who  in  outlying  districts  officiated  in  the  country 
churches.  In  return  for  these  services  the  monks  asked  for 
church  tithes,  their  argument  being  that  '  if  temporal  goods 
were  to  be  divided  they  ought  to  be  used  to  compensate  those 
who  supported  night  and  day  the  burden  of  the  priest  in  the 
church  '.  Another  grievance  was  that  the  secular  church  like 
the  rest  of  society  had  become  feudalised.  Too  often  the  bishops 
used  their  powers  over  the  monasteries  as  if  suzerains  requiring 
services  from  vassals.  The  abbots  refused  to  pay  dues  which 
might  be  regarded  as  services  from  a  fief.  As  time  went  on 
they  refused  to  submit  to  heavy  expenses  of  forced  hospitality, 
lodging,  and  purveyance,  and  demanded  their  share  of  ecclesi- 
astical tithes. 

On  the  spiritual  side  (which  was  intelligible,  seeing  they 
regarded  the  monastic  as  the  highest  calling  in  the  church)  the 
abbots  endeavoured  to  escape  from  obedience  to  the  bishop. 
The  more  the  episcopate  became  secularised  the  more  they 
redoubled  their  efforts  for  independence.     Cluny  from  the  first 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLIJNY  157 

was  freed  from  episcopal  control.  Other  abbots  began  to  protest 
against  the  episcopal  right  of  visiting,  correcting,  and  excom- 
municating the  monasteries,  and  refused  the  bishop  entrance  to 
their  buildings.  The  Cluniacs  had  early  seen  that  when  the 
bishop's  presence  was  necessary,  e.g.  for  ordination,  it  was 
expedient  for  their  position  of  independence  to  invite  any  other 
bishop  than  their  diocesan  or  themselves  to  leave  the  cloister 
for  ordination.  That  policy  seemed  at  first  to  awaken  no 
opposition.  Monastery  and  diocesan  appeared  to  be  on  friendly 
terms  except  for  occasional  friction  over  tenths.  It  w^as  the 
question  of  ordination,  however,  which  brought  the  quarrel  wdth 
the  episcopate  to  a  head. 

First,  however,  came  the  attack  on  Cluny's  temporal  position. 
In  1016  she  was  attacked  by  feudal  lords,  and  immediately 
appealed  to  her  suzerain  and  protector,  the  pope.  The  answer 
was  prompt.  Benedict,  on  behalf  of  his  foster-child,  wrote 
to  the  bishops  of  Burgundy,  Aquitaine,  and  Provence.^  He 
reminded  them  that  from  its  foundation  Cluny  had  been  upheld 
in  its  freedom  from  all  subjection,  save  to  God  and  the  papacy, 
by  pope,  emperors  of  the  Romans,  kings  of  the  Franks  and  of 
the  Burgundians.  All  his  predecessors  had  confirmed  its  privi- 
leges, so  that  all  who  with  fervent  vow  and  desire  left  the  world 
and  gave  themselves  to  the  regular  discipline  there,  could  without 
let  or  hindrance  be  more  closely  joined  to  God,  and  from  the 
offerings  of  the  faithful  extend  hospitality  and  care  to  the  poor. 
But  now  he  had  heard  from  Robert,  king  of  the  Franks,  and 
his  nobles  in  Rome,  and  from  the  messengers  sent  by  his  beloved 
son  Odilo,  that  evil  men,  stirred  up  by  greed  and  madness,  had 
attacked  the  lands  of  Cluny,  preying  not  only  on  the  possessions 
of  the  monastery  but  also  on  those  of  the  poor  committed  to 
them.  Overcome  by  great  anguish  and  affliction,  the  monks 
could  no   longer  give   due  service   to   God,   nor   extend   their 

^  Migne,  189,  p.  IGOl,  Epist.  Benedicti,  xvi.  The  archbishops  of  Lyons, 
Vienne,  Besain;on,  the  bisho|)s  of  Autun,  Clermont,  Le  Puy,  Chalon,  Langres, 
Million,  X'alence,  U/es,  Troyes,  Gap,  Vaison,  Avignon,  Riez,  Carpentras. 


158  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

customary  care  and  hospitality  to  the  guests  and  poor  of  the 
monastery.  The  whole  church  suffered  thereby,  as  the  prayers 
and  masses  which  Cluny  had  hitherto  offered  for  all  the  faithful 
had  to  be  curtailed.  It  behoved  the  faithful  to  have  compassion 
on  Cluny's  anguish  and  to  rally  to  her  side.  More  especially 
was  this  the  duty  of  the  papacy,  to  whom  after  God  and  St.  Peter 
the  care  and  guardianship  of  Cluny  belonged  :  hence  his  letter. 
Those  who  had  attacked  the  monastery  were  then  named  ;  * 
the  first  offender  had  not  only  seized  Cluny's  property,  but 
when  the  monks  pleaded  for  justice  had  mocked  at  their  prayers 
and  disavowed  their  rights  ;  others  had  taken  churches  and 
lands,  and  exacted  unjust  dues.  If  the  thieves  and  persecutors 
did  not  return  what  they  had  taken  by  a  certain  date  they 
were  to  be  excommunicated  by  bishops  and  priests,  and  as 
putrefying  and  lifeless  members  cut  off  from  the  body  of  Christ. 
A  tremendous  curse  was  then  laid  on  them. 

Benedict  also  wrote  to  the  bishop  of  Clermont.  By  its 
founder,  as  the  bishop  knew,  Cluny  had  been  committed  to 
Rome  for  defence  against  the  insatiable  greed  of  laymen.  The 
shield  of  the  papal  might  must  be  opposed  to  those  depraved 
men  who  persecuted  the  abbey.  He  therefore  called  on  the 
bishop '  to  hurl  at  those  who  nefariously  attacked  Cluniac  property 
and  oppressed  the  monks  not  a  light  stone  but  the  heaviest 
dart  of  excommunication  '.^ 

The  next  attack  was  more  serious,  being  directed  against 
Cluny's  privileges.  It  is  not  known  why  the  bishop  of  Macon 
chose  this  particular  moment  to  attack  Odilo  for  exercising  a 
privilege  of  which  his  predecessors  had  availed  themselves.  But 
at  the  council  of  Ansa  (1025)  he  appealed  to  the  bishops  there 
assembled  against  Burchard,  archbishop  of  Vienne,  who  had 
slighted  his  rights  as  diocesan  and  gone  against  canonical  decree 

1  Ibid.  One  man  had  seized  the  church  with  all  its  land  and  property  ; 
two  had  taken  two  potestates ;  other  two  were  raising  difficulties  about  land  held 
iwprecaria  from  Cluny  ;  three  others  claimed  a  vill ;  another  was  levying  unjust 
dues  from  a  potestas  and  vills.  There  were  many  more  offenders  too  numerous 
to  be  named.  ^  Ibid.  Epist.  xxix. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  159 

by  ordaining  monks  of  Cluny  without  his  (Gauzlin's)  licence  and 
consent.  Burchard  cited  Odilo  in  his  defence.  Odilo  rising 
with  his  monks  immediately  showed  the  charters  and  privileges 
granted  by  the  popes,  a  justification,  it  would  seem,  final  in  itself. 
The  bishops,  unable  to  disprove  the  fact  of  the  charters,  went 
further  and  condemned  their  validity  as  going  against  the 
decrees  of  the  council  of  Chalcedon  (451)  and  other  authentic 
councils,  where  it  was  laid  down  that  abbots  and  monks  were  to 
arubmit  to  their  diocesan,  and  that  no  bishop  was  to  ordain 
monks  without  the  diocesan's  consent.  The  privilege  which 
Odilo  cited  was  therefore  not  binding,  since  not  only  was  it 
not  in  accord  with  canonical  decrees,  but  even  went  against 
them.i  Convinced  by  this  reasoning,  the  archbishop  of  Vienne 
sought  pardon  from  Gauzlin. 

Neither  Cluny  nor  the  papacy  could  pass  over  the  insult. 
Odilo  appealed  to  the  emperor  and  to  the  pope,  who  energetically 
bestirred  himself  on  Cluny's  behalf.  His  indignation  and  grief 
were  expressed  in  four  letters  :  one  to  the  bishop  of  Macon, 
rebuking  him  for  his  audacity,  another  to  the  archbishop  of 
Lyons  condemning  Gauzlin,  a  third  to  Odilo  reaffirming  Cluny's 
privileges  and  liberties,  and  a  fourth  to  Robert,  king  of  the 
Franks.  Robert  followed  the  papal  example  and  confirmed  the 
royal  charters  granted  to  Cluny. 

In  the  first  letter  the  pope  reminded  Gauzlin  that  he  held 
his  episcopal  authority  from  Rome  whose  son  and  disciple  he 
was.  How  then  did  he  dare,  stirred  up  by  fresh  temerity  and 
burning  with  inextinguishable  greed,  to  spurn  his  mother,  and 
lift  as  it  were  his  foot  against  his  master,  which  he  had  done 
by  seeking  to  annul  the  papal  privileges,  by  attacking  Odilo 
and  his  monks,  and  by  disturbing  the  peace  of  Cluny,  a  monas- 
tery which  shone  in  holiness  before  almost  all  nations,  which, 
relying  solely  on  the  apostolic  privileges,  was  free  from  all  other 
authority,    and    answerable    to    the    papal    judgement    alone. 

^  Mansi,  Concilia,  xix.  p.  423,  Decreverunt  chartam  von  esse  ratam  quae 
canonicis  non  solum  non  concordaret  sed  etiam  contrariel  sententiis. 


160  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

Gauzlin's  attempted  tearing  asunder  of  the  papal  members 
could  end  only  in  ruin  to  himself.  Let  him  beware,  and  leave 
Rome's  special  monastery  to  Rome  !  The  papacy  would  guard 
it  from  him  and  all  others.  If  he  had  any  real  case  against 
Cluny,  let  him  seek  the  papal  judgement  which  suffered  prejudice 
to  none.^ 

In  the  letter  to  Burchard,  the  pope  expressed  his  grief  at 
Gauzlin's  having  arrogated  to  himself  the  right,  against  the 
apostolic  privileges,  to  ordain  the  monks  of  Cluny.  By  his 
greed  he  had  made  himself  liable  to  the  papal  ban.  The  pope, 
grateful  to  Burchard  for  having  defended  the  monastery  for  so 
long,  begged  him  to  continue  to  do  so.  As  metropolitan  he 
was  to  forbid  the  bishop  of  Macon  to  consecrate,  ordain,  or 
claim  any  other  right  in  '  this  our  monastery  '.^ 

In  the  charter  to  Cluny  John  dwelt  on  the  close  relationship 
which  had  always  existed  between  monasteries  and  the  see,  a 
union  which  made  his  predecessors  ready  to  hear  the  petitions 
of  the  monks,  more  especially  those  of  their  beloved  sons  of 
Cluny  who  had  ever  encouraged  true  religion  and  piety.  In 
reply  to  Odilo's  petition,  strengthened  as  it  was  by  the  emperor 
and  the  empress,  he  reconfirmed  the  monastery's  charters  and 
privileges.  For  the  Holy  See  did  not  suffer  liberties  once 
granted  to  be  rescinded.  Under  pain  of  excommunication 
no  bishop  was  ,to  enter  Cluny  for  ordination,  consecra- 
tion, or  celebration  of  Mass,  unless  invited  by  the  abbot, 
who  could  send  his  monks  to  receive  ordination  wherever  he 
pleased,  and  himself  be  constituted  by  any  bishop.  Also,  under 
pain  of  excommunication,  no  bishop  was  to  excommunicate, 
interdict  or  anathematise  the  monastery,  or  excommunicate 
or  lay  malediction  on  monks  of  Cluny  wherever  they  happened 
to  be.  For  it  did  not  seem  fitting  that  without  the  papal 
judgement  a  son  of  the  apostolic  see  should  be  anathematised 
like  a  disciple  of  any  subject  church.  If  a  complaint  against 
Cluny  arose,  the  apostolic  judgement  was  to  be  humbly  requested 

1  Migne,  141,  Joannis  Epist.  xii.  1027-33.  -  Ibid.  Epist.  xiii. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  161 

and  patiently  submitted  to.  Cluny  was  the  gate  of  mercy,  of 
piety,  of  salvation,  ever  open  to  the  sinful,  the  needy,  and  the 
sorrowful.  There  the  just  would  find  a  resting-place,  and  the 
sinful,  seeking  pardon,  not  be  repelled.  There  to  the  innocent 
would  be  offered  brotherly  love,  and  the  hope  of  salvation 
not  denied  to  the  wicked.  Any  one  bound  by  the  chain  of 
anathema  and  fleeing  to  Cluny  was  not  to  be  excluded  from 
the  pardon  and  mercy  he  hoped  for.  The  anathema  was 
pronounced  on  any  one  who  went  against  the  charter.^ 

The  letter  to  king  Robert  (1027)  opened  with  a  sombre  if 
conventionally  worded  picture  of  the  times.  The  love  of  the 
many  waxed  cold,  iniquity  abounded,  the  church  was  oppressed 
not  only  by  strangers  but  by  those  who  called  themselves  her 
sons.  Religion  decreased,  justice  was  dishonoured,  the  apostolic 
privileges  and  royal  precepts  were  scorned.  It  behoved  both 
papal  see  and  royal  power  to  be  vigilant.  Especially  did  the  pope 
grieve  over  the  luxury  and  avarice  of  the  bishops  in  France. 
He  begged  the  king  to  assist  him  in  restraining  the  rage  and 
insolent  fury  with  which  the  bishops  had  attacked  places 
subject  to  the  Holy  See,  and  particularly  Cluny,  the  especial 
child  of  Rome.  He  recapitulated  the  monastery's  privileges 
in  a  charter  which  he  forwarded  to  Gaul  to  be  read  aloud  to 
all  the  ecclesiastics  and  princes  of  the  kingdom,  to  be  authorised 
by  the  king  and  sealed  with  the  royal  seal.  All  were  to  know 
that  the  anathema  would  be  launched  against  any  one  who 
dared  go  against  the  charter. ^ 

In  the  same  year  Robert,  in  order  to  '  check  the  insolence  of 
evil  men ',  granted  Cluny  a  charter.  All  were  to  know  that  by 
the  royal  charters  and  apostolic  privileges  of  old,  Cluny  was  freed 
from  the  authority  of  all  men.  Within  the  confines  of  its  bound- 
aries, from  Chalon  to  Macon,  from  Mt.  Algoia  to  Chedrelense 
and  Mt.  St.  Vincent,  no  man,  nor  prince,  nor  duke,  was  to  build 
either  fortress  or  fortification.  Any  bishop,  count,  freeman,  or 
serf  of  either  sex  or  difterent  grade  who  offered  a  gift  to  the  altars 
^  Ibid.  Epist.  vi.  -  Ibid.  Episi.  xi. 


162  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

of  Cluny  was  assured  of  royal  commendation.  All  gifts  were 
to  be  held  in  perpetuity.  On  any  one  who  disobeyed  the  decree, 
in  whatever  part  of  the  kingdom  it  might  be,  the  king  himself 
would  take  vengeance.^  The  attack  of  the  bishops  had  thus 
shown  how  energetically  papal  and  royal  power  was  prepared 
to  act  for  this  '  special  child  '  ? 

Another  dispute  between  the  Cluniacs  and  the  episcopate 
arose  over  the  monastery  of  Vezelay,  the  condition  of  which 
was  so  bad  that  the  count  of  Nevers  expelled  the  abbot  and 
monks.  A  monk  of  Cluny  was  appointed  abbot  without  the 
bishop  of  Autun  being  consulted.  Having  been  present  at  the 
council  of  Ansa  he  probably  knew  that  he  could  rely  on  the 
sympathy  of  his  episcopal  brothers.  At  this  disregard  of  his 
diocesan  rights  he  threatened  to  interdict  all  the  '  altars  '  in 
his  diocese  at  which  the  Cluniacs  officiated,  and  ordered  the 
Cluniac  monks,  on  penalty  of  excommunication,  to  leave  Vezelay. 
They  appealed  to  Rome  :  unfortunately  it  is  not  known  whether 
or  what  the  pope  replied. 

A  letter  to  Odilo  from  William  of  St.  Benigne's  ^  showed  how 
much  ill-feeling  had  been  aroused  over  Vezelay.  ^  The  bishop 
of  Autun ',  William  wrote,  '  is  so  much  infuriated  against  your- 
self, myself,  and  our  monastery  that  he  threatens  to  do  us  all 
the  harm  he  can,  to  take  from  us  the  monastery  of  Magabrense, 
to  put  under  his  episcopal  ban  all  our  altars  in  his  diocese,  and 
to  stir  up  bishops,  clerks,  and  laymen  of  every  rank  against  us. 
He  has  excommunicated  the  monks  of  Vezelay  and  ordered 
them  to  leave.  They,  relying  on  the  privileges  of  the  abbey, 
paid  no  heed,*  spurned  his  letter,  and  trampled  it  under  foot. 
This  had  stirred  the  bishop  to  greater  wrath,  and  told  far  and 

1  Bruel,  iv.  2800. 

2  A  story  from  a  later  and  unknown  source  {Gall.  Christ,  iv.  1060)  and 
difficult  of  credence  states  that  several  years  later  Odilo  proceeded  to  Macon,  and 
after  giving  gifts  to  the  cathedral  prostrated  himself  before  each  of  the  canons 
in  turn  and  acknowledged  that  he  had  sinned  over  the  question  of  ordination. 
The  incident  is  quoted  as  proof  of  his  humility. 

^  Bouquet,  x.  p.  505. 

*  Ibid.,  Per  nihilo  eius  sententiam  computaverunt. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  163 

near  has  aroused  much  ill-feeling  against  them.  Those  who 
before  seemed  our  friends  ',  William  continued,  '  have  made  this 
an  excuse  to  turn  against  us.  They  blame  us  for  unheard-of 
presumption  and  horrible  greed  for  secular  possessions.  They 
maintain  that  the  abbot  ought  not  to  have  been  expelled,  as  no 
abbot  can  be  deposed  without  canonical  procedure  and  sentence 
passed  by  the  bishop  of  his  diocese  ' — criticisms  William  had 
heard  not  only  from  those  whose  opinions  he  discounted  as 
arising  from  envy,  but  from  those  formerly  well  disposed  to  the 
Cluniacs.  As  the  bishop  had  pronounced  the  anathema  against 
the  monks  and  would  not  remove  it  till  they  left  Vezelay  and 
returned  with  all  their  belongings  to  Cluny,  he  believed  it  would 
be  best  for  Odilo  to  recall  them  lest  any  of  them  died  under 
excommunication.  Yet  he  did  not  know  if  the  count  of  Nevers 
would  allow  this,  or  if  they  themselves  would  be  willing  to  leave. 
He  wished  he  could  have  thought  of  better  advice,  but  had  felt 
it  right  to  tell  Odilo  all  the  circumstances  and  leave  the  matter 
to  his  judgement.  Unfortunately  further  details  are  lacking. 
Eventually  the  king  intervened,  took  over  the  monastery,  and 
the  monks  left. 

John  XIX.,  who  had  bestirred  himself  so  vigorously  on 
behalf  of  Cluny,  was  equally  vehement  in  his  denunciation 
of  Odilo  when  the  latter  refused  the  archbishopric  of  Lyons. 
On  the  death  of  Burchard  of  Lyons  '  great  dissensions  arose, 
for  many  coveted  the  see,  though  their  only  claim  was  not 
merit  but  vainglory  '.  Burchard's  nephew,  a  man  proud  beyond 
all  measure,  left  his  own  see  and  snatched  that  of  Lyons.  After 
committing  many  crimes  he  was  captured  by  the  imperial 
soldiers  and  exiled.  Next  a  count  seized  the  see  for  his  little 
son,  who  soon  after  fled,  '  a  mercenary  rather  than  the  shepherd 
of  his  sheep  '.^  The  pope  was  then  appealed  to,  and  asked  to 
appoint  Odilo,  whose  nomination  had  been  eiithusiastically 
acclaimed  by  clergy  and  people.  The  pope  sent  the  ring  and 
the  pall  to  Cluny.     Odilo,  who  had  already  refused  the  see, 

1  Rod.  Glab.  v.  4. 


164  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

wrote  to  Rome  that  he  would  hold  the  ring  and  the  pall 
for  a  worthier  candidate.  This  reply  infuriated  the  pope. 
Odilo  must  obey  or  he  would  learn  with  what  bitterness, 
with  what  severity,  Rome  could  chastise  him  who  did  not 
do  her  bidding.  There  was  no  virtue  more  praiseworthy  than 
obedience,  for  which  God  asked  rather  than  for  sacrifice,  and 
which,  as  he  need  not  remind  Odilo,  Benedict  praised  most 
highly  in  his  monks.  He,  the  pope,  could  let  pass  the  insult 
to  the  cathedral  of  Lyons,  though  Odilo  had  as  it  were 
spat  in  the  face  of  that  church ;  he  could  overlook  the 
injury  to  the  sancta  plebs  whom,  that  his  strength  might 
be  spared,  Odilo  had  refused  to  govern  ;  he  could  be  silent 
at  Odilo's  rejection  of  the  request  of  so  many  great  men 
(praesules)  ;  but  what  he  could  not,  what  he  ought  not  to 
pass  over  unavenged  was  the  disobedience  to  Rome  and  to 
himself.^  Odilo's  reply  is  unknown.  The  pope  died  soon 
after,  a  circumstance  which  automatically  brought  the  incident 
to  an  end. 

The  see  was  next  offered  to  another  Cluniac,  Halinard,  abbot 
of  St.  Benigne's,  Lyons.     He  protested  that  he,  a  monk,  was 
not  fitted  to  uphold  such  a  burden,^  all  the  more  as  Odilo  had 
deemed  himself  unworthy.     Finally,  the  see  was  offered  to  the 
insignificant  Odulrich,  archbishop  of  Langres.     To  his  nomina- 
tion king  Henry,  grieving  that  there  had  been  so  much  discord, 
gladly  consented.     Odulrich  only  enjoyed  his  dignity  till  1046, 
when  he  was  poisoned.     At  his  death  the  see  was  again  offered 
to  Halinard,  who  again  refused  it.     Gregory  VL  was  asked  to 
intervene,  and  to  his  express  command  Halinard  bowed.     But 
when  receiving  investiture  at  the  imperial  court  at  Speyer  (1046) 
he  refused  to  give  the  customary  oath  of  fealty,  maintaining  that 
he  could  not  go  against  the  precept  of  St.  Matthew's  Gospel,  nor 

^  Joannis  Epist.  xvi. 

^  Migne,  142,  Vita  Halinardi :  Obtendens  se  monachum  ad  tantum,  onus 
nequaquam  fore  idoneum.  According  to  Sackur,  Odilo  refused  the  see  because 
he  could  not  take  the  oath  of  fealty  to  the  emperor.  There  is  no  such  statement 
in  the  original  authorities. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  165 

the  command  of  the  Benedictine  rule.^  Notwithstanding  the 
consternation  of  the  German  bishops  and  the  outcry  of  the 
courtiers,  he  held  to  his  decision.  The  difficulty  was  finally 
settled  by  compromise.  This  refusal  to  take  the  oath  is  an 
interesting  sign  of  sentiment  against  imperial  control  in  ecclesi- 
astical affairs,  the  more  significant  as  the  emperor  in  question 
was  the  especial  friend  of  the  church. 

Twice  Odilo  and  his  abbey  were  vehemently  attacked,  once 
by  the  Southern  bishops  at  the  council  of  Ansa,  and  again  by 
the  scurrilous  satire  of  Adalbero  of  Rheims.  Both  attacks  may 
be  regarded  as  signs  of  a  larger  movement,  the  growing  jealousy 
and  mistrust  of  a  certain  section  of  the  secular  church  for  the 
regulars. 

Jealousy  was  heightened  on  the  accession  of  Hugh  Capet's 
pious  son,  who  became  king  at  the  time  when  Cluny  had  carried 
through, much  of  her  reform,  and  stood  unchallejiged  as  the  first 
reforming  house  of  the  age.  Hobert,  a  true  Capetian  in  this, 
favoured  the  church  and  especially  the  monks,  a  policy  in  the 
circumstances  far  from  unsound.  By  favouring  the  regular 
church  he  might  hope  to  check  the  overgrown  power  of  the 
bishops.  Besides,  the  monks  probably  represented  the  best 
spirit  of  the  age,  for  which  reason  the  more  progressive  of  the 
bishops  had  been  glad  to  favour  them.  To  the  more  conservative, 
however,  it  was  galling  to  see  honours  which  they  regarded  as 
their  prerogative  passing  to  the  monks,  many  of  lowliest  birth. 
The  prevalence  of  these  grievances  made  possible  the  writing  of 
the  satire.  Not  that  Adalbero  -  can  be  taken  as  representa- 
tive of  the  better  section  of  the  conservative  school,  his  record 
even  for  that  age  being  a  black  one.     Yet  behind  his  personal 

^  '  Give  no  oath,  and  have  no  connection  with  temporal  affairs.'  Richard 
of  St.  Vannes  and  Poppo  of  Stablo  also  protested  against  this  oath.  William 
of  St.  Benigne's  when  appointed  abbot  refused  to  give  the  oath  of  fealty  to 
the  archbishop  of  Lyons.  The  abbots  of  Fleury  also  fought  long  with  the 
bishop  of  Orleans  over  the  taking  of  the  oath. 

-  Adalbero's  life  was  far  from  edifying  :  he  had  changed  sides  and  mingled 
in  intrigues  in  a  way  that  was  barefaced  even  for  that  age.     Finally  he  had 


166  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

animosity  against  the  monks,  some  idea  may  be  formed  of  the 
valid  criticism  to  which  the  movement  was  subjected. 

The  satire  ^  was  addressed  to  king  Robert,  whom  Adalbero 
hoped  to  win  from  the  side  of  the  monks.  The  exact  date  is 
not  known.  In  choosing  the  form  of  satire  Adalbero  followed 
the  taste  of  his  age,  which  delighted  in  pamphlet  warfare. 
Unfortunately  the  dialogue  is  very  obscure,  and  the  style  so 
involved  that  it  is  often  almost  impossible  to  follow.  Many 
of  the  allusions  are  now  unintelligible.  The  satire  may  be 
divided  into  four  sections  :  Adalbero's  description  of  the 
change  and  deterioration  in  church  and  state  ;  his  burlesque 
of  the  Cluniacs ;  his  theory  of  ecclesiastical  hierarchy  and 
social  caste  ;  his  programme  of  reform.  The  central  thought 
that  runs  through  all  four,  giving  a  certain  unity  to  the 
whole,  is  Adalbero's  hatred  of  the  changes  transforming  society 
which  are  attributed  to  monastic  influences,  and  contrarv 
to  the  traditions  and  laws  of  the  fathers  and  popes.  The 
evils  of  the  movement  are  exposed,  by  invective,  satire,  and 
ridicule. 

Adalbero  begins  by  expressing  his  grief  at  having  to  write 
what  he  was  about  to  write.  He  then  passed  to  criticism  of  the 
monastic  leaders,  who,  in  order  to  carry  through  their  reform, 
falsely  asserted  that  they  were  reviving  the  principles  and 
customs  of  old.  '  They  formulate  new  theories  which  they  call 
old,  writing  above  them  "  lex  antiquissima  ".'  ^  But  should  a 
great  error  in  the  holy  faith  arise,  they  would  never  think  of 
attacking  it.  One  of  the  most  pernicious  of  their  innovations 
was  their  teaching  the  unconditional  obedience  of  the  monk  to 
his  abbot,  '  so  that  what  a  monk  would  refuse  to  do  of  his  own 
free  will,  he  was  compelled  to  do  by  force '.  The  order  of 
society  was  being  changed  for  the  worse  by  the  admission  of 

to  retire  to  Laon,  and  there  in  his  bishopric,  away  from  the  intrigues  of  court, 
watched  from  afar  the  new  course  of  events  which  he  bitterly  resented.  A 
discredited  prelate,  he  never  learned  to  adjust  himself  to  the  times. 

^  Migne,  141,  p.  773,  Adalberonis  Carmen. 

2  Ibid.     Perhaps  a  reference  to  Abbo  of  Fleury's  canons. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  167 

the  monks,^  men  of  lowly  birth  thereby  penetrating  to  the 
higher  ranks  of  the  church  and  state.  The  peasant,  lazy, 
coarse,  deformed,  shameful  (turpis),  was  enriched  with  a  thousand 
beautiful  crowns  studded  with  gems  ;  the  magistrate  was  forced 
to  wear  the  cowl  and  to  follow  the  Cluniac  hours  of  prayer,  of 
genuflection,  of  silence,  of  communication  by  signs,  and  kissing 
of  the  forehead.  Bishops  were  deprived  of  their  sees,  and  found 
themselves  obliged  perpetually  to  follow  the  plough,  cracking 
their  whips  while  they  sang  the  songs  of  exile  of  our  first  parents. 
If  a  see  fell  vacant,  at  once  a  sailor,  a  shepherd,  or  any  common 
person  was  raised  to  it.  The  only  persons  who  need  not  aspire 
to  high  office  in  the  church  were  those  skilled  in  the  divine  law. 
Sufficient  qualification  for  a  bishop  was  to  know  nothing  about 
the  Scriptures,  never  to  have  devoted  a  day  to  study,  and,  as 
his  sole  scholastic  qualification,  to  be  able  to  count  the  alphabet 
on  his  fingers.  Such  ignorant  men  rose  to  be  heads  and  teachers, 
celebrated  throughout  the  world  and  reverenced,  even  by  kings. 
He  next  attacked  the  hypocrisy  of  the  monks,  who  preached  one 
theory  in  public  but  practised  another  in  secret.  They  had 
departed  from  the  traditional  virtues  of  monasticism,  and  secretly 
revelled  in  luxury,  incest,  theft,  and  crime.  Monks  only  in 
name,  they  took  to  themselves  wives,  engaged  in  warfare,  and 
considered  themselves  outside  the  laws  of  their  country. 

Perplexed  by  these  changes  and  disconcerted  that  the  king 
encouraged  them,  Adalbero  talked  the  matter  over  with  his 
friends.  They  advised  him  to  lay  his  difficulties  before  Odilo  of 
Cluny,  '  reminding  him  that  Gaul  still  possessed  monks  nourished 
in  the  rules  of  the  fathers,  and  that  Odilo  would  assuredly  be 
able  to  clear  up  his  perplexities '.  Accordingly  he  sent  a  mes- 
senger to  Cluny,  a  monk  of  the  old  school,  sober,  responsible, 
obedient,  and  learned  in  the  rule,  who  had  never  ceased  to  obey 
the  laws  of  the  fathers.  He  set  out  in  the  evening  and  returned 
next  morning,  an  impossibly  short  time — i.e.  probably  meant  as 
a  gibe  at  the  rapidity  with  which  the  Cluniacs  carried  through 

^  Ibid.     As  they  command,  so  is  the  ordcM-  of  society  changed. 


168  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

their  reforms.  And  what  a  change  in  his  bearing  !  He  who 
formerly  had  been  engrossed  in  spiritual  things  now  leaped  off 
his  foaming  steed  and  called  for  his  wife  and  children.  He  was 
no  longer  clothed  in  the  monastic  habit,  but  in  such  weird 
accoutrements  that  his  former  companions  scarcely  recognised 
him.  His  shoes,  with  their  pointed  and  upturned  toes,  were  in 
the  latest  fashion.  His  spurs  pricked  the  ground,  and  he  skipped 
jauntily  forward  on  the  points  of  his  toes.  He  called  for  the 
bishop,  and  having  clenched  his  fists,  stretched  his  arms,  raised 
his  eyebrows,  twisted  his  neck  and  rolled  his  eyes,  he  burst  into 
a  torrent  of  speech. 

'  I  am  a  soldier  now,'  he  cried,  '  and  if  a  monk,  a  monk 
with  a  difference.  Indeed,  I  am  no  longer  a  monk,  but  fight 
at  the  command  of  a  king,  my  master  Odilo.' 

The  bishop  attempted  to  quell  this  untempered  zeal  by 
reminding  him  of  the  rule  about  silence,  but  shamelessly  he 
replied, '  I  may  remember  knowing  it  in  the  past,  but  your  rebuke 
will  not  keep  me  from  speech.  I  must  deliver  the  message  of 
my  master.' 

The  message  told  of  a  fight  between  the  monks  and  the 
Saracens.  The  monks  had  been  defeated,  and  the  safety  of 
Cluny  being  in  jeopardy  Odilo  resolved  to  petition  the  king  for 
help.  When  he  announced  this  decision  his  monks  crowded 
round  him  in  protest,  and  shouted  that  none  but  he  should  be 
their  captain  and  lead  them  to  victory.  Odilo,  thereupon,  took 
over  the  command  and  issued  his  orders.  The  young  and  the 
strong  were  to  travel  in  chariots,  and  to  proceed  as  slowly  as 
possible.  The  old  and  infirm  were  to  mount  on  horseback,  or 
advance  rapidly  on  foot.  Horses  were  scarce,  so  two  had  to  ride 
on  a  donkey,  ten  on  a  camel,  and  three  on  a  buffalo.  Bucklers 
were  to  be  tied  round  the  neck,  garlands  to  adorn  the  head, 
casquettes  to  be  tied  to  the  waist-belt,  javelins  hung  on  to  the 
back,  and  the  sword  held  between  the  teeth.  The  absurdity  of 
the  commands  was  probably  meant  to  typify  the  topsy-turvydom 
into  which  the  monks  were  bringing  society. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  169 

The  company,  thousands  and  thousands  of  warriors  {millia 
mille),  set  out  for  a  three  days'  battle,  described  in  mock  heroic 
vein.  Whether  there  was  a  reference  to  a  real  incident  or  not, 
the  intention  was  evidently  to  satirise  the  huge  train  which 
followed  Odilo  when  he  travelled.  The  monks  were  put  to 
flight,  but  resolved  to  fight  again.  The  defeat  took  place  on 
December  1.  Revenge  would  follow  on  March  1.  Odilo  called 
on  the  bishop  to  take  part  on  that  great  day.  Far  better  to  die 
arms  in  hand  than  to  live  cultivating  his  fields.  The  satire  ends 
with  the  messenger's  being  chased  ignominiously  away,  and 
Adalbero  warns  the  king,  '  Believe  me,  oh  my  king,  all  that  I 
say  is  truth.  The  discipline  of  the  church  is  transformed  in 
thy  kingdom.' 


CHAPTER  XV 

CLUNY   AND   THE    PEACE    MOVEMENT 

One  of  the  most  interesting  movements  of  Odilo's  day  was  the 
peace  movement  in  which  he  took  an  active  part.^  From  the 
earliest  times  the  church  had  regarded  it  as  her  duty  to  further 
the  interests  of  peace.  That  duty  became  more  particularly  hers 
after  the  dismemberment  of  the  Empire,  when  with  no  central 
authority  in  the  State  old  institutions  had  passed  away  and 
new  ones  had  not  been  born.  In  the  resulting  dislocation  of 
society,  the  church  as  the  one  stable  institution  became  a  pre- 
ponderating influence  in  the  struggle  for  order  as  against  law- 
lessness, stability  as  against  unbridled  licence.  Her  efforts  for 
peace  culminated  in  the  Treuga  Dei,  that  first  '  week-end ',  by 
which  it  was  agreed  that  from  Saturday  night  to  Monday  morning 
private  warfare  should  cease. 

Other  movements  for  peace  preceded  the  Treuga  Dei,  the 
Pactum  fads  or  Pax  Dei  being  one  of  the  earliest.  The  inception 
of  the  latter  may  be  traced  to  the  council  of  Charroux  (989),^ 
when  three  decrees  were  drawn  up  in  the  interests  of  peace  and 
order.  The  anathema  was  to  be  declared  (1)  on  any  one  who 
attacked  or  took  prisoner  an  unarmed  traveller,  a  priest,  deacon, 
or  clerk  who  was  not  bearing  a  shield,  sword,  buckler,  or  helmet, 
and  was  either  at  home  or  peaceably  travelling.  (2)  On  any 
who  stole  from  a  church.  (3)  On  any  who  stole  an  ox,  ass,  cow, 
goat,  deer,  or  pig  from  the  poor,  or  from  tillers  of  the  soil  (agricolae). 
The  council  was  attended  by  the  bishops  and  clerks  of  the 
province,  as  also  by  the  laity,  both  men  and  women.^ 

^  Pertz,  Scriptores,  vii.  p.  403,  H.  Flaviniac.     Cf.  Mansi,  xix.  p.  593. 
-  Mansi,  xix.  p.  89.  ^  Ibid.,  Omnis  uterque  sexus. 

170 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  171 

In  990  two  important  councils  were  summoned  by  the  bishops, 
the  first  at  Narbonne,  the  second  at  Le  Puy.  The  decrees  of  the 
first  were  directed  against  nobles  who  had  overrun  church 
property  and  attacked  ecclesiastics.  At  the  second  the  bishops 
proclaimed  that  all  church  property  was  to  be  held  inviolate,  and 
appealed  for  the  security  of  the  peasant,  the  labourer,  and  the 
travelling  merchant.  Three  points  are  striking  about  these 
councils  :  (1)  Their  inception  came  from  the  church,  a  fact  which 
gave  the  church  a  certain  preponderance  throughout  the  move- 
ment ;  the  penalties  imposed  were  ecclesiastical ;  the  church's 
aim,  while  a  'priori  to  defend  her  property,  soon  developed  into 
the  wider  ideal  of  extending  protection  to  the  defenceless  and 
the  weak.  (2)  The  movement  originated  in  Southern  Gaul 
precisely  in  those  provinces  where  Roman  civilisation  had  been 
most  firmly  established,  and  where  a  lingering  tradition  of  more 
settled  times  may  have  brought  about  this  revival  of  the  desire 
for  peace.-  The  South  had  suffered  less  than  the  North  from  the 
attacks  of  barbarians,  the  conditions  of  society  had  changed  less. 
Trade  and  commerce  continued  here  where  the  great  roads  made 
by  the  Romans  allowed  communication  between  the  Moors  in 
Spain  and  the  Christian  world.  If  these  were  to  flourish,  peace 
was  necessary.  (3)  Women  as  well  as  men  were  present  at  these 
councils. 

These  three  councils  were  the  first  of  many  held  to  promote 
unions  of  peace.  The  higher  ecclesiastics  took  the  most  important 
part  at  them,  but  the  nobles  co-operated  in  calling  them  together. 
In  Aquitaine  bishops,  princes,  and  nobles  together  drew  up  resolu- 
tions against  disturbers  of  peace,  in  a  carta  de  treuga  et  de  pace 
(990).^  All  men  were  exhorted  to  be  the  '  sons  of  peace,  because 
without  peace  no  one  will  see  the  Lord  '.^  The  peace  clauses 
here  were  more  numerous,  and  more  clearly  defined  than  before. 
(1)  No  one  was  to  break  into  any  church  situated  in  the  dioceses 

^  Gall,  Christ,  ii.  p.  825. 

-  Ibid.,  Quia  scimus  quia  -s/ne  pace  nemo  videbit  domiintm,  ammonemus  .  .  . 
ut  sint  Jilii  pads. 


172  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

or  territory  of  those  present,  and  no  one,  except  the  bishop 
when  he  came  for  tribute,  was  to  enter  the  enceinte  of  the  fortifi- 
cations. (2)  No  one  was  to  steal  horses,  oxen,  cows,  asses  (nor 
the  burdens  with  which  they  were  laden),  fowls,  eggs,  goats,  nor 
swine  from  the  sees  or  provinces  of  those  present.  (3)  Clerks 
were  not  to  carry  secular  arms,  and  monks  and  the  defenceless 
were  not  to  be  attacked  unless  by  the  command  of  a  bishop 
when  collecting  dues.  (4)  No  one  was  to  capture  or  hold  a 
villein  in  order  to  force  him  to  buy  himself  free  again.  (5)  No 
one  was  to  carry  home  or  to  use  in  defence  of  his,  what  was 
not  his.  (6)  The  Pax  Dei  was  to  be  extended  to  merchants,  who 
were  not  to  be  plundered  when  travelling.  All  those  present 
were  exhorted  to  come  to  a  placitum  Dei  in  October  that  they 
might  swear  to  the  peace. 

In  997  a  pactum  pads  was  inaugurated.  In  that  year,  in  the 
hope  of  assuaging  the  wrath  of  the  Lord,  manifest  in  a  terrible 
pestilence  which  had  swept  over  the  land  and  decimated  the  people, 
a  three  days'  fast  was  proclaimed  at  Limoges  by  the  abbot  of 
St.  Martial's,  bishop  Alduin,  and  duke  William.^  The  bishops 
of  Aquitaine  assembled  at  Limoges,  relics  of  the  saints  were 
borne  in  procession,  even  the  body  of  St.  Martial  being  brought 
from  the  tomb.  Nor  did  they  fast  in  vain,  for  thereafter  disease 
ceased,  and  all  hearts  were  filled  with  great  rejoicing.  In 
gratitude  an  oath  of  peace  and  justice  was  sworn.^  The  council 
of  Poitiers,  summoned  by  William  of  Aquitaine,  marked  a  further 
development  in  the  movement  (1000),  hostages  being  given  for 
the  restoring  of  peace  and  justice.^  Any  dispute  about  theft  in 
the  past  five  years  was  to  be  examined  before  the  chief  men  of 
the  district.  If  justice  was  not  enforced,  the  disputants  could 
appeal  to  the  nobles  and  bishops  who  had  attended  the  council, 
who  would  meet  again  and  pass  sentence  on  the  guilty.  Cum- 
bersome as  this  machinery  was,  the  idea  underlying  it  is  plain  : 

1  Bouquet,  x.  147.  ^  Pertz,  Script,  iv.  p.  132. 

^  Bouquet,  x.  p.  536.  Mansi,  xix.  p.  267,  dated  999,  Firmaverunt  per 
obsides  et  excommunicationem  dux  et  reliqui  principes  huiusmodi  pacts  et  iustitiat 
restaurationem. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  173 

the  system  of  self-help  to  be  put  down  and  one  law  enforced 
on  all.  The  example  was  followed  later  by  the  men  of  Amiens 
and  Corbel  (1030).i 

After  the  year  1000  the  work  of  peace  was  continued  and 
with  greater  enthusiasm.     Till  then  there   had  been   a  vague 
foreboding  that  the  end  of  the  world  was  at  hand.     What  need, 
then,  for  peace  ?     But  when  the  fatal  year  had  passed,  and  the 
world  still  went  on,  it  was  more  urgently  felt  that  if  life  was  to 
continue,  the  conditions  of  society  would  have  to  be  ameliorated. 
In  the  last  years  of  the  century  humanity  had  suffered  very 
terribly.     There    had    been    famine    throughout    Europe,    and 
incursions  by  the  Saracens  caused  further  misery.     But  when 
the  first  years  of  the  eleventh  century  were  safely  over,  then  '  in 
almost  all  the  world,  especially  in  Italy  and  Gaul,  Christians  vied 
with    one   another   in   rebuilding   and   restoring   churches.     It 
seemed  as  if  the  church  had  thrown  away  age  and  clothed  herself 
in  the  white  garments  of  the  saints,  the  faithful  restoring  almost 
all  the  churches  of  their  respective  dioceses,  the  monasteries  of 
the  saints,  and  the  oratoria  of  the  smaller  vills.'  ^     The  hearts 
of  men  were  thus  more  attuned  to  peace  when  a  new  impetus 
was  given  to  the  movement  by  Robert  the  Pious,  who  in  1010-11 
called  a  general  assembly  at  Orleans  to  debate  on  the  question. 
Fulbert  of  Chartres,  in  a  letter  to  the  king,  rejoiced  at  the  good 
news.^     Unfortunately,   nothing  is  known  about  this  council. 
Henceforth  the  king  was  a  zealous  supporter  of  peace  councils, 
his  ideal  indeed  going  so  far  as  to  embrace  the  possibility  of 
a  general  cessation  of   private  warfare  throughout  all  Europe, 
a    chimerical    Utopia    for    those    times.     He    approached    the 
emperor  Henry  II.  with  his  project.      In  1023  the  two  rulers 
met  at  Ivois  on  the  Meuse  to  discuss  the  peace  problem,  and 
agreed  to  call  a  council  at  Pavia  in  a  year's  time,  when  peace 

^  Bouquet,  x.  p.  379.  -  Migne,  142,  p.  651  ;    Rod.  Glab.  iii.  cap.  4. 

*  Bouquet,  x.  454,  Audita  inter  alia  quod  concilium  habiturus  sis,  cum 
principibus  regni  de  pace  componenda,  gandeo.  Cf.  467,  Si  ergo  de  iustitia,  de 
pace,  de  statu  regni,  de  honore  ecclesiae  vultis  agere,  ecce  habetis  me  parvum 
satellitem  pro  viribus  opitulari  paratum. 


174  THE  MONASTEHY  OF  CLUNY 

measures  were  to  be  drawn  up  and  a  scheme  of  churcli  reform 
brought  forward  :  Benedict  VIII.  was  to  preside,  the  princes  and 
prelates  of  Germany,  France,  and  Italy  to  attend.  With  the 
death  of  pope  and  emperor  within  the  year  the  scheme  was 
abandoned. 

The  next  development  of  the  peace  movement  came  from 
Burgundy,  a  province  not  long  incorporated  in  the  Frankish 
kingdom.  Hoping  to  heal  the  many  wounds  his  numerous 
campaigns  had  inflicted,  the  king  asked  Hugh,  bishop  of  Auxerre, 
to  call  a  council  to  discuss  measures  of  peace.  Not  only  the 
bishops,  but  also  an  '  innumerable  multitude  of  nobles  and  the 
common  people  ',  men  and  women,  attended.  The  importance 
of  this  council  lay  in  the  fact  that  the  king  definitely  placed 
himself  at  the  head  of  what  till  then  had  been  an  ecclesiastical 
movement.  Next,  in  Northern  France  (1023),  the  bishops  of 
Soissons,  Beauvais,  and  Cambrai  in  the  interests  of  the  State 
(respublica)  followed  the  example  of  their  Burgundian  brothers,^ 
because  they  recognised  that  the  solemn  sentences  of  the  church 
would  become  a  dead  letter  if  the  barons  did  not  swear  to  cease 
their  pillages.  This  council  was  interesting  for  two  reasons  : 
(1)  that  for  the  first  time  the  oath  of  peace  was  taken  by  each 
noble  individually  ;  (2)  that  this  innovation  aroused  the  strong 
disapproval  of  Gerald,  bishop  of  Cambrai,  who  protested  against 
the  procedure  as  pernicious  and  dangerous  :  if  every  one  took  the 
oath  it  would  undoubtedly  lead  to  perjury,  for  it  was  impossible 
that  every  one  should  keep  it :  the  oath  infringed  on  the  royal 
prerogative  and  would  lead  to  a  confusion  of  the  spheres  of  the 
ecclesiastical  and  temporal  powers  which  ought  to  be  kept 
strictly  apart,  the  function  of  the  one  being  to  pray,  of  the  other 
to  fight.  His  episcopal  brothers  censured  this  bold  speaker  as 
the  enemy  of  peace,  while  his  own  retainers  and  the  abbots  so 
eagerly  begged  him  to  take  the  oath  that  he  reluctantly  consented. 

^  Bouquet,    x.    p.    201,    Videntes    episcopi   .    .    .   prae    inbecillitate    regis, 
peccatis    quidem    exigentibiis,  statuni    regni  funditu^    inclinari,  iura   confundi, 
usumque  patrium  et  omne  genus  iustitiae  profanari,  multum  reipublicae  succurrere 
tr^tmt,  ^-^uf'^ymdiae  episcoporum  sententiam  sequerentur. 
^       '       ■'         '^^\ 

ST.    MICHAEL'S       \  "^ 
COLLEQE  >r^ 


>y 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  175 

'  Nevertheless,  his  foresight  was  justified  by  the  event,  and 
very  few  escaped  the  sin  of  perjury.'  After  tjiis  councils  were 
held  in  every  civitas.  At  Hery,  in  the  diocese  of  Auxerre,  king 
Robert  was  himself  present  when  an  '  innumerable  multitude  ' 
of  the  common  people  of  every  age  and  of  either  sex  assembled,^ 
relics  of  the  saints  were  carried  among  them,  and  oaths  sworn 
on  the  relics  (1024).  Two  years  later,  at  the  council  of  Poitiers, 
the  bishops  of  Burgundy  and  William  of  Aquitaine  drew  up 
new  measures  for  protecting  churches,  monasteries,  and  their 
property.  Again  an  '  innumerable  multitude  '  met,  male  and 
female,  rich  and  poor,  ecclesiastical  and  lay.  In  1028  William 
of  Aquitaine  called  a  second  council  at  Charroux  to  discuss 
questions  of  faith  and  to  confirm  peace.  Similar  meetings  were 
held  in  Dijon,  Beaune,  and  Lyons. 

A  further  development  in  the  movement  came  from  the 
North  when  the  men  of  Amiens  and  Corbel  mutually  swore  to 
an  agreement  for  peace  (1030).  Vengeance  had  come  on  them 
from  on  high  because  they  had  never  sworn  to  that  peace  w^hich 
God  ordains.  For  such  is  the  character  of  the  men  of  Gaul 
that  more  than  the  men  of  any  other  nation  they  always  want  to 
fight.'^  To  the  chronicler  there  seemed  little  call  for  internecine 
strife.  Pestilence  and  famine  were  already  killing  men  off  in 
hordes,  and  the  world  could  no  longer  bear  the  anger  of  its  Judge. 
The  men  of  Amiens  and  Corbei  therefore  resolved  to  placate 
the  God  they  had  offended.  A  council  was  held,  the  relics  of 
the  saints  brought  forth,  and  on  the  relics  an  inviolable  pact 
sworn,  the  men  of  the  two  towns,  after  consultation  with  their 
lords,  agreeing  to  keep  peace  for  a  whole  week.  They  further 
promised  to  return  every  year  to  Amiens  on  St.  Firmin's  day  to 
confirm  their  oath  ;  to  strengthen  their  resolve  they  received 
the  holy  sacrament.  If  strife  arose  among  them  no  revenge 
by  destruction  or  fire  was  to  be  taken  until  a  day  was  appointed, 

1  Ibid.  p.  375. 

-  Bouquet,  x.  p.  378,  Talis  quippe  consvetudo  naturaliter  iunaia  est  regno 
Gallorum,  ut  praeter  ceteras  vationes  semper  velint  exercere  rabiem  bellorum.  .  .  . 
Non  necesse  est  velle  tiiori  in  bello  quia  catervatim  moriuntur  famis  el  pesiis  gladio. 


176  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

and  notijce  given  before  the  church  in  the  presence  of  the  bishop 
and  count.  John  XIX.  confirmed  this  agreement.  As  a  result, 
a  new  and  salutary  custom  arose  by  which  the  men  of  the 
two  towns  annually  met  to  exchange  a  reciprocal  oath  of 
peace.  Eight  days  were  set  aside  for  prayer,  disputes  were 
settled,  the  unruly  recalled  to  peace,  and  an  opportunity  given 
for  mutual  deliberation.  Unfortunately  this  state  of  things  was 
too  good  to  last,  familiarity  bred  contempt,  and  an  innovation 
which  had  at  first  been  greatly  venerated  began  to  be  as  greatly 
despised.^ 

Throughout  the  rest  of  the  kingdom  the  movement  for  peace 
continued.  Terrible  evils  from  on  high  had  again  forced  men 
to  think.  The  outburst  of  prosperity  after  the  year  1000  did 
not  last  long,  and  as  the  '  fateful  year  approached  which  marked 
the  thousandth  anniversary  after  Christ's  death ',  a  terrible 
famine  ruled  in  the  land.  Such  storms  raged  that  the  crops 
could  not  be  harvested.  So  persistent  was  the  rain  that  for 
three  years  it  was  almost  useless  to  sow  seeds.  Famine  arose  in 
the  East,  depopulated  Greece,  spread  to  Italy,  to  Gaul,  and 
finally  to  England.  Every  class  suffered :  '  not  only  the  poor 
but  even  the  higher  and  well-to-do  classes  grew  pale  with  hunger, 
many  fled  from  place  to  place,  stayed  at  inns  where  they  watched 
by  night,  and  turned  those  who  had  received  them  into  food.' 
Then,  as  if  humanity  had  not  suffered  enough,  after  the  famine 
came  pestilence,  and  for  three  years  the  sound  of  weeping,  of 
grief,  and  of  sorrow  was  heard  in  the  land.  Society  seemed  to 
have  fallen  into  perpetual  chaos,  and  the  human  race  to  be 
brought  to  destruction. 2 

The  aggravation  of  all  these  horrors  by  private  warfare  was 
indeed  a  mockery,  and  the  church  was  not  slow  to  preach  that 
such  evils  must  befall  a  lawless  generation  that  sought  not 
peace.  She  persevered  in  her  work,  aided  by  the  king,  who 
presided  at  the  council  of  Bourges,  called  in  the  interests  of 

^  Ibid.,  Coepit  res  ipsa  usu  vilescere  et  irreverentia  fieri  ex  multa  veneratione. 

2  Rod.  Glab.  iv.  4. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  177 

peace  (1031).  In  the  same  year,  at  the  council  of  Limoges, 
bishop  Jordan  brought  an  indictment  ^  against  the  barons  and 
the  laity  of  his  diocese,  who  had  attacked  churches  and  church 
property,  molested  priests,  clerks,  and  the  poor,  and  shown  no 
desire  for  peace,  although  he  had  pronounced  a  general  peace 
for  his  diocese.  The  offenders  were  excommunicated,  and  a 
motion  carried  that  their  lands  were  to  be  laid  under  interdict 
if  they  continued  in  their  evil  doing.  The  sentence  must  have 
been  most  impressive,  for  at  the  words  '  As  these  lights  (lucanae) 
are  extinguished  before  your  eyes,  so  let  their  joy  be  extinguished 
before  the  angels,'  bishops  and  priests  dashed  their  lighted  candles 
to  the  ground,  and  the  heart  of  the  people  being  greatly  moved, 
all  cried  aloud,  '  So  let  God  extinguish  the  joy  of  him  who  is 
not  willing  to  keep  peace  and  justice.'  ^ 

The  prosperity  and  abundance  which  reigned  from  the 
thousandth  year  after  the  death  of  the  Saviour  also  made  for 
peace.  A  feeling  of  gratitude  and  relief  was  awakened  throughout 
all  classes.  Peace  assemblies  were  called  more  enthusiastically 
than  ever,  all  rejoicing  at  the  prosperous  times,  being  ready  to  obey 
whatever  measures  the  chiefs  of  the  church  deemed  advisable. 
'  It  was  as  if  a  voice  from  heaven  spoke  down  to  earth  ',^  and 
men,  remembering  the  times  of  adversity  through  which  they 
had  passed,  were  chastened  in  spirit  and  terrified  lest  those  evil 
days  returned.  The  following  decrees  were  drawn  up  :  (1)  Any 
person  who  took  refuge  in  a  church  was  to  be  in  sanctuary ; 
(2)  clerks,  monks,  and  nuns  were  not  to  be  oppressed.  It  was 
also  agreed  that  wine  would  not  be  drunk  for  six  days  after  the 
council,  nor  meat  eaten  for  seven.  So  great  was  the  fervour 
which  filled  all  hearts  that,  when  the  bishop  raised  the  ring  to 
heaven,  the  multitude  shouted  '  Pax,  pax,  pax  !  '  as  if  hailing 
in  the  ring  a  symbol  of  perpetual  peace  between  themselves  and 
God. 3     That  the  harvest  was  good  that  year,  and  that  there 

*  Labbe,  ix.  p.  870,  Clamorem  de  secularibus  potestatibus  parochianis  meis. 

-  Mansi,  xix.  p.  530. 

3  Rod.  Glab.  iv.  .5.     Cf.  Hugh  de  Flavigny,  ii.  27,  anno  1033. 

N 


178  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

was  great  plenteousness  of  food  and  wine  seemed  a  direct  reward 
of  good  resolutions.  In  1034,  synods  were  held  in  Aquitaine, 
Aries,  Lyons,  Burgundy,  and  in  the  North  of  France,  at  one  of 
which  one  bishop  even  affirmed  that  he  had  received  letters 
from  heaven  exhorting  him  to  renew  peace  on  earth. ^  In 
Poitiers  an  important  council  was  called  by  bishop  Isembertus 
and  a  great  peace  proclaimed  (1036).  At  the  council  of  Bourges 
a  further  step  was  taken,  in  that  all  present  pledged  themselves 
to  attack  disturbers  of  the  peace  (1038).  This  was  proposed  by 
archbishop  Aimo  of  Bourges,  who,  anxious  to  have  peace 
established  in  his  diocese,  consulted  his  suffragans,  and  on  their 
advice  ordered  that  all  the  men  in  his  diocese  above  fifteen 
years  of  age  should  pledge  themselves  to  be  the  enemies  of  those 
who  disturbed  the  peace,  and,  if  necessary,  to  take  up  arms 
against  them.^  The  oath  pledged  each  to  proceed,  without  gift 
or  favour  of  person,  against  those  who  seized  church  property, 
stirred  up  rapine,  oppressed  monks,  nuns,  and  clerks,  or 
attacked  the  church.^ 

The  priests  on  several  occasions  took  banners  from  the 
churches  and  led  the  people  against  disturbers  of  peace.  In 
one  encounter  (according  to  the  chronicler)  the  archbishop's  men 
and  seven  hundred  clerks  were  killed.  A  new  cause  of  strife 
had  arisen. 

Finally  came  that  interesting  branch  of  the  peace  movement, 

^  Mansi,  xix.  p.  530,  Unus  eorum  caelitus  sibi  delatas  dixit  esse  litteras, 
quae  pctcem  monerent  renovandam  in  terram.  Quayn  rem  mandavit  ceteris  et  haec 
tradenda  dedit  populis. 

^  Huberti,  Studien  zur  Bechtsgeschichte  der  Gottesfrieden,  p.  217 :  Pacem 
sub  iurisiurandi  sacramento  in  diocesi  voluit  sua  .  .  .  ut  contra  violatorem 
compacti  foederis  unanimi  corde  hostes  existant,  et  distractioni  rerum  eorum 
nullo  pacto  se  subducant ;  quin  etiam,  si  necessitas  posceret,  armis  exturbanies 
appeterent.  Non  excipiuntur  ipsi  sacrorum  ministri,  sed  a  sanctuario  domini 
correptis  frequenter  vexillis,  cum  extera  multitudine  populi  in  corruptores 
invehuntur  iuratae  pads. 

^  Ibid.  p.  218,  Ego  Aimo  archiepiscopus  hoc  toto  corde  et  ore  Deo  Sanctisque 
eius  promitto  .  .  .  toto  impleam  animo.  Hoc  est,  ut  pervasores  ecclesiasticarum 
rerum,  incentores  rapinarum,  oppressores  monachorum,  sanctimonialiwm  et 
clericorum,  omnesque  sanctae  matris  ecclesiae  imjmgnatores  .  .  .  totis  viribus 
venire  promitto. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  179 

the  Treuga  Dei.  The  aim  of  the  Pax  Dei  was  to  protect  certain 
persons  and  property  from  the  violence  of  the  powerful.  The 
aim  of  the  Treuga  was  to  stop  private  warfare  for  short  but 
fixed  intervals  of  time.  The  Pax  took  under  its  protection  clerks, 
monks,  pilgrims,  women,  children,  labourers  and  their  instru- 
ments of  work,  monasteries  and  cemeteries.  These  were  to  be 
undisturbed  and  in  '  perpetual  peace '.  The  Treuga  was  an 
attempt  to  put  a  check  on  the  lawless  barons  who  regarded 
private  warfare  as  their  prerogative.^  In  this  movement  Odilo 
took  an  important  part. 

The  Treuga  Dei  seems  to  have  been  first  definitely  mentioned 
at  the  council  of  Elne  ^  (1027).  At  that  council  many  bishops, 
priests,  the  God-fearing  of  the  dukes,  and  a  multitude  of  the 
faithful,  men  and  women  alike,  met  together,  and  having  prayed 
God  to  direct  their  judgement,  drew  up  the  following  decrees  : 
(1)  No  one  in  the  retinue  or  diocese  of  those  present  was  to 
attack  an  enemy  from  the  ninth  hour  on  Saturday  till  the  first 
hour  on  Monday.  This  would  allow  all  to  pay  due  reverence  to 
the  Lord's  Day.^  (2)  No  monk  nor  clerk  without  arms  was  to 
be  attacked,  nor  any  man  walking  with  a  woman,  nor  any  man 
going  to  or  returning  from  church  or  council.  (3)  No  one  was 
to  attack,  violate,  despoil,  nor  enter  by  force  a  church  or  a 
house  situated  thirty  paces  from  the  church.  The  Treuga  was 
drawn  up  because  the  divine  law  and  Christian  religion  were  no 
longer  observed,  iniquity  abounded,  and  charity  grew  cold. 
Breach  of  the  Treuga  was  to  be  visited  by  ostracism  and  excom- 
munication ;  none  of  the  faithful  were  to  eat  or  drink  with  any 
one  who  broke  it,  nor  to  talk  with  them  unless  to  convince  them 
of  the  evil  of  their  ways  :  no  priest  was  to  bury  them,  nor  were 
the  faithful  to  pray  for  them. 

Thus  once  more  men  had  begun  to  build  up  peace,  and  in 

^  Luchaire,  Histoire  de  France  Lavisse,  ii.  2. 

-  Mansi,  xix.  483,  Caterva  quoqiie  fidelium,  non  solum  vironnn  sed  efiam 
Joeminarwm. 

'  Ibid.,  Ab  hora  sabhaii  nona  usque  in  die  lu)iis  liora  prima,  ut  oinnis  homo 
persolvat  debitum  honorem  die  dominico. 


180  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

that  very*  region  where  once  the  Pax  Romana  had  done  its  civilis- 
ing work  and  reigned  supreme,  and  from  the  modest  and  tentative 
proposal  that  from  Saturday  to  Monday  private  warfare  should 
cease.  This  indestructible  idealism  in  the  heart  of  humanity  is 
an  interesting  phenomenon.  Material  force  had  brought  society 
almost  to  destruction,  yet  at  the  very  moment  of  its  greatest 
triumph  men  looked  to  moral  force  to  reconstitute  society. 
And  humanity's  instinctive,  if  unconscious,  faith  in  idealism  was 
justified.  From  the  thin  wedge  of  the  one  day's  peace,  the 
larger  European  movement  was  to  grow.  In  Gaul  the  principle 
of  the  Treuga  seems  to  have  made  rapid  progress,  for  in  1041 
an  appeal  went  forth  from  the  church  in  Gaul  to  the  brethren 
in  Italy.  The  appeal  was  headed  by  the  names  of  Reginald, 
archbishop  of  Aries,  Benedict,  bishop  of  Avignon,  Nithard, 
bishop  of  Nice,  and  Odilo,  venerable  abbot  of  Cluny,  who  with 
all  bishops,  abbots,  and  clerks  living  in  Gaul  appealed  to  all 
the  archbishops,  bishops,  priests,  and  clerks  of  Italy  '  to  receive 
and  keep  '  the  Treuga  Dei,  which,  transmitted  to  them  by  the 
inspiration  of  the  divine  mercy,  they  had  received  and  did  firmly 
keep.^  The  Treuga  was  to  extend  from  sunset  on  Wednesday 
to  sunrise  on  Monday,  that  men  might  meditate  on  the  signifi- 
cance of  those  days  :  Thursday  the  commemoration  of  the 
Ascension,  Friday  the  Passion,  Saturday  the  Adoration  at  the 
tomb,  Sunday  the  Resurrection.  During  these  four  days  and 
nights  firm  peace  and  stable  truce  was  to  obtain  among  all 
Christians,  friends  and  foes,  neighbours  and  strangers.^  All 
were  to  be  secure  (securi)  at  every  hour,  and  to  do  whatever  was 
fitting,  free  from  all  fear  of  enemies  because  confirmed  in  the 
tranquillity  of  the  Pax  and  Treuga.^     If  theft  was  committed  in 

^  Ibid.  xix.  593,  Recipite  ergo,  et  tenete  pacetn,  et  illam  trevam  Dei,  quam  et 
nos,  divina  inspirante  misericordia  de  caelo  nobis  transmissam  iam,  accepiimus 
et  firmiter  tenemus. 

^  Ibid.,  Inter  omnes  christianos  amicos  et  inimicos,  vicinos  et  extraneos,  sit 
firma  pax  et  stabilis  treuva. 

^  Ibid.,  Omni  hora  securi  sint  et  faciant  quidquid  erit  opportunum  ah  omni 
timore  inimicorurn  absoluti  et  in  tranquillitate  pads  et  istius  treuvae  confirmati. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  181 

those  days,  the  loser  was  not  to  seek  his  own,  lest  cause  of  strife 
should  be  given. ^  During  them  rural  labour  was  to  cease. ^  Any 
one  who  committed  homicide  during  the  Treuga  was  to  be  driven 
from  his  province  and  go  on  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem.  For  any 
other  breach  of  the  Treuga  the  offender  was  to  be  examined  by 
the  secular  law  and  forced  to  make  reparation,  after  which 
double  penance  would  be  laid  on  him  according  to  the  holy 
canons.^  Nor  were  the  framers  of  the  appeal  exempt.  '  We 
think  it  right  that  if  we  break  our  promise  we  too  shall  be  doubly 
condemned — both  by  secular  and  spiritual  judgement.'  *  Any  one 
who  took  vengeance  on  those  who  broke  the  Treuga  would  be 
held  guiltless  and  blessed  by  all  Christians  as  the  cultores  causae 
Dei.^  All  who  observed  the  Treuga  were  assured  of  absolution 
from  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Spirit,  and  of  union  with  Mary  and 
her  choirs  of  virgins,  with  St.  Michael  and  his  angels,  with  St. 
Peter,  chief  of  the  apostles,  and  with  all  the  saints  and  faithful 
then  and  for  ever.  Those  who  swore  to  keep  the  Treuga  and 
wittingly  broke  their  oath  would  be  excommunicated  by 
Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Spirit,  cut  off  from  all  the  saints  of 
God,  and  if  they  did  not  make  amends,  then  and  for  ever 
excommunicate,  damned,  and  accursed,  with  Dathan,  Abiram, 
and  Judas  who  betrayed  the  Lord.  Like  Pharaoh  who  sank 
to  the  bottom  of  the  Red  Sea,  they  would  sink  to  the  depths 
of  Hell. 

In  the  life  of  the  bishop  of  Autun  there  is  a  reference  to 
Odilo's  work  for  the  Treuga.  The  aged  bishop  was  wont  to  tell 
that  by  divine  revelation  the  Treuga  was  instituted  by  Odilo  of 

^  Ibid.,  Si  vero  residuis  diebus  aliquid  suhlatnm  fuerit,  et  in  diebus  treuvae 
obviaverit,  amine  non  teneatur,  ne  occasio  inimico  data  videatur. 

'"  Ibid.,  Ab  omnibus  riirale  opus  in  ea  omnino  non  fieret  impositum. 

^  Ibid,,  Si  vero  in  aliis  quibuslibet  rebus  supradictam  treuvam  .  .  .  frcgerit, 
examinaius  per  decreta  legnm  secularium  iuxta  modum  cul})orum  cogatur 
persohere  et  per  sanctorum  cnnonum  regulas  duplicata  poenitentia  iudicabitur. 

*  Ibid.,  Quod  ideo  dignuni  ducimus  ut  si  promissionem  illic  factam  in 
aliquo  corrumpere  praesumpserimns  mundnno  ct  spirilali  iudicio  duphciter 
condemn  em  ur. 

^  Ib.d..  Cum  autem  evenerit  cuiquam  vindicare  in  eos,  qui  hanc  chartum, 
et  Del  treuvam  irrumpere  praesumpserint.  vindicantes  nuUi  culpae  habeantur. 


182  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

Cluny,  and  that  all  agreed  to  receive  and  keep  it.^  But,  alas, 
as  Rodulf  Glaber  mourned,  the  human  race  soon  forgets.  Old 
sins  revived  and  the  efficacy  of  a  movement  that  had  started 
with  such  high  hopes  and  noble  enthusiasm  died  down. 

In  what  was  destined  to  be  another  world-wide  movement 
Odilo  also  took  a  chief  part,  for  according  to  our  authorities 
it  was  by  his  inspiration  that  a  day  of  special  intercession  for 
the  faithful  dead  was  set  apart.  The  legend  of  All  Souls'  Day 
ran  as  follows  :  ^ 

A  monk  of  Rodez  was  returning  from  a  pilgrimage  to  Jeru- 
salem. When  crossing  the  sea  from  Thessaly  to  Sicily  a  storm 
broke  and  drove  the  boat  on  to  an  island  or  rock.  There  a 
hermit  had  lived  for  many  years,  and  with  him  the  monk  talked. 
The  hermit,  learning  that  he  was  a  native  of  Aquitaine  and  knew 
Odilo  of  Cluny,  gave  him  a  message  for  the  monks.  Near  the 
island  where  he  lived  great  fires  belched  forth,  into  which,  by  the 
manifest  judgement  of  God,  rows  of  tortured  sinners  were  thrust. 
A  multitude  of  demons  received  them  and  renewed  their  torments 
and  unbearable  sufferings.  But  often  the  hermit  heard  the 
demons  lament,  that  through  the  prayers  and  almsgiving  of  the 
monks  so  many  of  the  damned  went  free,  and  more  particularly 
through  the  prayers  of  Odilo  and  the  monks  of  Cluny.  He 
therefore  implored  those  virtuous  ones  to  be  more  and  more 
instant  in  prayer,  vigils,  and  almsgiving.  By  these  means  they 
would  cause  the  angels  to  rejoice  and  the  devil  to  rage.  When 
the  monk  returned  home  he  sent  the  message  to  Cluny.  Great 
was  the  joy  and  amazement  of  the  brothers.^     In  their  gratitude 

^  Pertz,  Scriptores,  viii.  403,  Hugo  Flaviniac  :  Superest  adhuc  Iduensis 
episcopus,  .  .  .  qui  referre  solitus  est  quia  cum  a  sancto  Odilone  et  ceteris  ipsa 
divinis  revelationihus  instituta  treuga  Dei  appellata,  et  ab  Austrasiis  suscepta 
fuisset,  et  voluntas  omnium  in  hoc  esset  una  et  ubique  servaretur,  negotium  hoc 
impositum.  ^    Vita  Jotsaldo,  ii,  13. 

^  Ibid.,  Ad  Cluniacum  admirationem  non  parvam  cum  maxima  cordis 
letitia  sumpserint.  Rod.  Glaber  gives  a  slightly  different  version  of  the  legend, 
the  monastery  in  question  being  Maior  Monasteriura  and  the  meeting-place 
Africa.    There  in  the  desert  an  anchorite  had  dwelt  for  twenty  years,  living  on 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  183 

to  God,  they  added  prayers  to  prayers,  and  alms  to  alms,  until 
Odilo  bethought  himself  of  setting  aside  a  special  day  of  inter- 
cession for  the  souls  of  the  faithful,  to  be  observed  in  all  the 
houses  under  him,  i.e.  2nd  of  November,  the  day  following  All 
Saints'  Day.  Special  psalms,  prayers,  and  giving  of  alms  were 
appointed.^  After  the  meeting  of  the  chapter,  the  deacon  and 
cellarer  were  to  distribute  bread  and  wine  to  the  poor  who  had 
been  at  mass  ;  the  poor  were  also  to  have  for  dinner  what 
remained  over  from  the  brothers'  refection.  The  office  for  the 
dead  was  to  be  read,  a  tractus  sung  by  two  brothers,  and  the 
monks  to  say  private  prayers  and  public  masses  for  all  the  faith- 
ful dead.  At  night  twelve  poor  men  were  to  be  given  food. 
Silence  was  to  be  enforced  during  periods  of  the  day.  '  By  the 
throwing  of  this  dart  it  was  hoped  that  the  adversary  would 
suffer  more  and  more.' 

Another  story  was  specially  treasured  at  Cluny  as  showing 
the  value  of  those  prayers  to  offer  up  which  th>e  monk  thought 
it  his  highest  privilege  to  dedicate  his  life.  Benedict  VI.,  a 
pope  who  delighted  in  Odilo's  society  and  loved  him  with  great 
affection,  died.  For  long  his  soul  remained  in  purgatory,  God 
having  resolved  by  this  means  to  make  manifest  the  merit  of 
Odilo.  One  night  Benedict  appeared  to  John,  bishop  of  Porto, 
and  two  of  his  friends,  lamenting  that  he  was  still  held  in  the 
shades  of  purgatory,  and  not  advanced  to  the  realms  of  light. 
He  begged  his  startled  hearers  to  send  to  Odilo,  and  implore 
him  to  pray  that  his  (the  bishop's)  soul  might  be  saved  from 
torment.  John  and  his  friends  immediately  hastened  to  the 
pope,  who,  sorrowing  greatly  for  his  brother,  sent  John  to  Cluny. 
On  his  way  the  bishop  stopped  at  St.  Maiolus',  Pavia,  where 


herbs  and  seeing  no  man.  Finally,  one  bold  seeker  found  out  his  retreat,  and 
was  told  that  before  all  monasteries  in  the  Roman  kingdom,  the  prayers  of 
the  monks  of  Maior  Monast(M'him  wore  most  efficacious  in  freeing  souls  from 
damnation,  and  that  on  All  Souls'  J)ay  at  Maior  ]\Ionasterium  mass  was 
celebrated  from  daybreak  till  the  iunir  of  refection,  with  such  dignity  and 
reverence,  that  it  seemed  rather  divine  than  human. 
1  Bibl.  Chin. 


184  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

he  told  the  story  to  the  great  excitement  of  the  abbot,  who 
begged  to  accompany  him.  However,  they  decided  that  a 
letter  would  arrive  sooner.  '  By  the  divine  providence  '  the 
letter  found  Odilo  at  Cluny. 

After  reading  it,  Odilo  called  the  brothers  together,  and 
earnest  prayers  were  offered  for  the  soul  of  the  pope.  '  After 
prayers  alms  were  distributed,  a  charity  the  burden  of  which 
was  very  dear  to  the  senior es.'  Odilo  next  appointed  fixed 
hours  for  the  offering  of  special  prayers  and  giving  of  alms,  not 
only  at  Cluny  but  also  at  all  the  Cluniac  houses.  Not  long  after, 
a  monk  of  Cluny  saw  a  form  conspicuous  in  light  enter  the 
cloisters,  followed  by  a  great  multitude  in  white  robes.  All 
proceeded  to  the  chapter  where  Odilo  sat  with  the  holy  senate. 
There  the  first  figure  humbly  bent  his  head  on  the  knees  of  the 
father.  The  monk  asked  who  the  shining  one  was,  and  learned 
that  it  was  Benedict,  humbly  giving  thanks  to  Odilo,  by  virtue 
of  whose  prayers  he  had  escaped  the  depths  of  hell,  and  soared 
to  the  blessed  on  high.  Next  day,  remembering  all  with  tenacious 
memory,  he  told  the  brothers.  All  feared  with  holy  awe,  and 
all  rejoiced  that  it  had  been  so  clearly  manifested  how  great 
Odilo's  favour  with  the  Trinity  was,  '  since  by  his  merit  even 
the  prey  caught  in  the  jaws  of  death  was  enabled  to  escape  '.^ 

^   Vita  Jotsaldo,  ii.  14.      Jotsaldus  adds  the  caution  '  that  it  is  most  vain 
to  be  always  observing  signs  and  dreams  '. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

INCREASE  OF  CLUNIAC  INFLENCE 

Of  the  monasteries  which  came  under  Cluny  when  Odilo  was 
abbot,  one  of  the  first  was  St.  Victor's,  Geneva,  the  gift  of  bishop 
Hugh.  The  bishop  had  often  deliberated  with  himself,  and 
discussed  with  his  friends  how  the  religious  houses  of  his  diocese 
might  be  restored  :  his  opportunity  over  St.  Victor's  came  in 
this  wise.  The  empress  Adelheid,  on  a  visit  to  Geneva,  entered 
St.  Victor's  to  pray,  and  was  so  struck  by  the  suitability  of  the 
site  for  a  monastery  that  she  mentioned  the  fact  to  the  bishop. 
Soon  afterwards  the  bones  of  martyrs  were  discovered  on  the 
very  spot.  With  great  ceremony  the  bones  were  raised  from  the 
ground,  and  buried  under  the  altar  of  the  church  in  the  presence 
of  king  Rudolf,  queen  Agildrude,  and  a  great  company  of  bishops, 
religious,  monks,  and  noblemen.  After  further  consideration 
the  bishop  decided  to  build  cells  for  the  monks  round  the  church, 
but  as  the  monastery  thus  formed  did  not  have  enough  property 
to  support  an  abbot,  after  consultation  with  king  Rudolf,  his 
brother  Burchard,  archbishop  of  Lyons,  the  counts,  and  other 
noblemen  of  the  district,  the  bishops  begged  Odilo  to  undertake 
the  duty.  St.  Victor's  monastery  and  church  was  thus  com- 
mitted to  him  and  his  successors  to  be  held  in  perj)etuity  from  the 
bishops  of  Geneva,  for  the  bishop  did  not  wish  to  take  any  power 
from  his  cathedral,  but  only  to  establish  religious  life  there,  and 
most  excellent  love  between  his  successors  and  the  abbots  of 
Cluny  (993-99).! 

From  the  bishop  of   Riez  Cluny  received   the  church  and 

^  Bruel,  iii.  1984.  Cf.  Vitn  Jotsaldo,  i.  13,  Locus  sancti  Victor  is  Geveveyh^is 
praeter  suani  aniiquam  et  nobllem  ecclesiam  ex  toto  suo  tempore  construct  us.  .  .  . 
Quia  non  erat  in  eodem  loco  tanta  facultas  possessionis,  ut  aliquis  ibi  potuisset 
ordinari  loco  abbatis. 

185 


186  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

altar e  ob  Valensolle,  for  he  felt  that  as  earthly  fathers  ought  to 
lay  up  treasures  for  their  sons,  so  those  called  fathers  in  the  spirit 
should  advance  their  sons'  interests  in  material  as  well  as  spiritual 
things.  Therefore  in  answer  to  the  request  of  the  congregation  of 
Cluny  sent  by  Rainald,  the  prior,  he  gave  the  church  on  the  condi- 
tions agreed  between  them,  i.e.  the  monks  were  to  pay  eighty  solidi 
to  the  funds  of  his  church  and  synodal  service  annually — rten 
denarii  in  May  and  ten  in  October.  They  could  hold,  order,  or 
give  away  the  church.  Neither  the  bishop,  his  successors,  nor 
the  archdeacon  when  visiting  the  parishes  of  the  diocese  were 
to  require  hospitality  or  build  little  houses  there  (mansionaticos), 
lest  this  should  be  a  burden  to  the  monks.  The  '  writing  ' 
was  drawn  up  pro  signo  socialitatis  that  the  members  of  his 
church  and  their  monastery  might,  alive  or  dead,  mutually  share 
in  each  other's  good  deeds.^  Later,  Odilo  asked  the  bishop's 
permission  to  build  a  monastery  near  the  church  of  Valensolle. 
The  bishop  assented,  having  received  from  the  monks  four 
pounds  of  denarii,  eight  measures  of  wheat  and  of  wine.^  Neither 
the  bishop,  his  successors,  nor  any  other  men  were  to  have 
authority  over  the  monastery,  nor  ask  oblations  and  burial 
dues  from  it. 

Walter,  bishop  of  autun  (994-1000),  on  the  advice  of  his 
clerks  and  other  sons  of  the  church,  gave  the  Cluniacs  the 
monastery  of  Magabrense,  in  the  hope  that  his  church  and  Cluny 
might  remain  bound  by  the  chain  of  love  as  in  the  time  of  Maiolus, 
and  continue  '  untroubled  '  for  all  time.^ 

In  998  a  new  monastery  was  founded  at  Bevais  above  Lake 
Neuchatel,  and  given  to  Cluny  by  a  certain  Rudolf,^  who  had 
learned  from  the  Scriptures  that  the  wicked  would  receive  pain,  but 
the  good  would  be  granted  pleasant  homes  in  heaven.  Anxious 
to  atone  for  his  sins,  he  could  think  of  no  better  way  than  to 
found  a  monastery,  where  daily  due  service  might  be  rendered 
to  God.     When  the  monastery  was  built,  the  monks  of  Peter- 

1  Bruel,  iii.  1990  (993-1031).  ^  Ibid.  iii.  1991. 

3  Ibid.  iii.  2276.  *  Ibid.  iii.  2453. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  187 

lingen  advised  him  to  ask  the  bishop  of  Lausanne  to  dedicate  it, 
which   he,   being  good    and   noble,   did.     Rudolf    then   richly 
endowed  the  monastery  with  a  church,  lands  in  various  districts, 
ten  manors,  thirty-five  serfs  with  their  wives  and  children,  and 
placed  it  under  Odilo  and  his  successors,  who  were  to  pay  Rome 
two  solidi  annually,  so  that  (ea  ratione)  any  one  who  disputed 
the  charter  might  be  bound  by  the  chain  of  anathema.     That 
the  gift  might  remain  firm  and  stable  he  wished  to  appoint  one 
of  his  heirs  to  be  advocatus  after  his  death,  and  to  rule  and  govern 
according  to  the  will  of  Odilo  and  his  monks.     In  succeeding 
ages  that  office  was  always  to  belong  to  one  of  his  descendants. 
In  999  Hugh,  count  of  Chalon  and  bishop  of  Auxerre,  gave 
Oluny  Paray  with  its  churches,  vills,  manors,  fields,  vines,  mills, 
and  serfs.^    His  father,  advised  by  Maiolus,  had  founded  the 
monastery,  adorned  it  suitably,  and  loved  it  beyond  all  places. 
He  had  declared  it  free  from  all  local  authority  and  lay  domination, 
that  the- monks  might  serve  God  there  under  their  own  pastor. 
But,  alas,  iniquity  abounded,  charity  grew  cold,  and  the  bishop 
saw  that  the  monastery  could  not  of  itself  remain  in  that  state 
which  his  father  intended.     Therefore,  on  the  advice   of   king 
Rudolf  and  his  fellow  bishops,  he  gave  it  wholly  to  Cluny,  with 
its  churches,  vills,  lands,  and  serfs.     The   king  confirmed   the 
charter.     About  the  same  time,  through  count  Otto  William, 
St.   Cyprian's,   Poitiers,   came    under    Cluny. ^     An    abbot    was 
appointed  who  had  such  difficulties  with  his  monks  that  Abbo 
of  Fleury  wrote  asking  Odilo  to  exercise  his  authority  and  en- 
force discipline  (1004).     In  the  same  district  St.-Jean-d-Angely 
was  subjected  to  Cluny.     Great  excitement  had  been  aroused  at 
St.  Jean's  by  the  discovery  of  a  head  in  the  wall,  which  abbot 
Alduin  hailed  as   the  head  of   John  the  Baptist  (1010).     The 
discovery  was  celebrated  with  much  ceremony  in  the  presence  of 
the  kings  of  France  and  Navarre,  the  count  of  Gascony,  many 

1  Ibid.  iii.  2484. 

-  Sackur,  ii.  p.  (58,  Mignc,   139,   p.  438,  Ahhonis  Epi.^l.   xii.   ad  OdUoneni  : 
Quern  locum  'postqunni  reperi  vestrae  subdiUim  ditioni  nostrum  crcdidi. 


188  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

bishops  .and  abbots.  Odilo  reformed  the  abbey,  over  which  he 
appointed  one  of  his  monks  abbot.^  In  1011  Le  Moutier  de 
Thiers  became  Cluny's.^  It  had  belonged  to  a  secular  lord  Wido,^ 
'  very  rich  and  noble,  and  though  a  layman  praiseworthy  for 
many  things  '  (per  multa  laudahilis).  He,  seeing  that  the  con- 
dition of  men  was  going  from  bad  to  worse  and  to  headlong  and 
daily  ruin,  consulted  his  wife  and  three  sons,  and  resolved  to 
reform  Thiers,  which  '  had  been  neglected  by  his  forefathers 
more  than  was  fitting '.  For  a  time  his  scheme  had  no 
success ;  the  abbot  he  appointed  died,  and  the  monastery, 
deprived  of  its  father,  seemed  destitute  of  all  human  help.  Then 
the  monks,  with  the  consent  of  Wido  and  his  retainers,  chose 
as  abbot  a  certain  Peter,  a  man  of  distinguished  birth  and  of 
blessed  simplicity.  But  though  he  did  his  best  to  uphold 
discipline,  his  influence  was  rendered  negligible  by  the  malice  of 
men.  So,  remembering  how  it  is  written,  '  Woe  unto  him 
who  is  alone  when  he  falleth ',  he  begged  Odilo  of  Cluny  to  bear 
the  burden  with  him.  With  Wido's  joyful  consent  it  was 
arranged  that  he  was  to  hold  the  monastery,  ruling  over  it  with 
Odilo's  help,  and  on  his  death  Odilo  and  his  monks  were  to  rule, 
order,  and  dispose  it  '  in  the  same  way  as  Sauxillanges,  Souvigny, 
and  not  a  few  other  distinguished  houses,  which  for  long  had 
firmly  belonged  to  the  noble  Cluny  '.  Wido  then  richly  endowed 
the  abbey  with  land  and  serfs,  and  at  the  same  time  gave 
up  his  right  to  all  the  evil  and  importunate  exactions  which 
his  predecessors  and  even  he  himself  had  unjustly  demanded. 

La  Volta,*  in  the  diocese  of  Auvergne,  was  built  by  Odilo  and 
his  relatives  (1025).  His  brothers  had  thought  of  founding  a 
monastery,  a  project  which  death  cut  short.  Their  sons,  with 
Odilo  and  his  other  nephews,  relatives,  and  many  of  the  faithful, 
met  to  discuss  what  they  could  do  for  the  dead  men's  souls. 
There  seemed  to  them  nothing  better  than  to  carry  out  the 
deceased's    intention    of    building    a    monastery.     Neighbours 

1  Gallia  Christ,  ii.  1097 ;  Ademar,  iii.  cap.  56.         ^  Bruel,  iii.  2682. 

■^  Probably  Guy  II.,  viscount  of  Thiers.  ^  La  Voute-pres-Chilhac. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  189 

and  friends  heartily  approved,  and  on  the  little  hill  of  Volta, 
near  the  river,  the  foundations  of  the  church  were  laid.  The 
bishop  of  Clermont  was  asked  to  consecrate  the  oratory.  At 
the  dedication,  Odilo,  his  nephews,  brothers,  and  sisters  '  offered 
to  the  hierarchy  of  heaven  property  which,  gained  worthily 
by  their  ancestors,  had  descended  to  them  from  their  parents 
by  hereditary  right '  ;  i.e.  the  hill  Volta,  surrounded  by  a  river, 
across  the  river  a  church,  with  its  lands  and  tenths,  three  vills, 
part  of  two  others,  two  little  vills,  a  manor,  and  two  churches. 
The  monastery  was  adorned  with  skilful  work,  and  suitably 
provided  with  books  and  ornaments.  Exempt  from  all  dues, 
it  was  placed  under  the  protection  of  Rome  and  the  direction 
of  the  abbots  of  Cluny.^ 

In  the  same  year  Amadeus  I.,  count  of  Savoy,  and  his  wife, 
in  order  to  participate  in  the  prayers  of  the  monks,  gave  them 
the  church  of  St.  Maurice,  Malaucene,  reserving  for  themselves, 
their  children,  their  descendants  the  rights  of  patronage  and 
presentation.^ 

In  1029  Rudolf  III.  of  Burgundy,  at  the  request  of  count 
Rainald,  confirmed  Cluny's  possession  of  the  monastery  of  Vaux, 
near  Poligny,  Besan9on,  with  its  lands  and  tenths,  three  vills 
in  different  districts  and  their  churches  (one  the  vill  Mantes), 
vineyards,  alods,  fisheries,  serfs,  salt  pits,  and  four  large  vessels 
for  cooking  salt  (ferreas  caldarias),  everything  the  count  and  his 
father,  count  Otto  William  (who  built  the  monastery),  had  given, 
and  everything  the  monks  might  in  the  future  gain  in  the  bioy.^ 

In  the  same  year  Isembertus,  bishop  of  Poitiers,  wished  to 
make  known  that  viscount  Kadolein  and  his  son,  grieving  over 
their  past  life  and  converted  to  good,  with  pious  mien  and  humble 

^  Ibid.  iii.  2788,  The  charter  is  written  hi  the  first  person,  Odilo  addressing 
all  foreigners  and  citizens  of  the  region  and  county.  It  seemed  only  right  that 
Cluny  should  gain  something  from  the  famil3''s  poverty,  since  by  the  reverence 
and  merit  of  that  holy  place,  one  of  them  had  gained  honour  before  God  and 
before  men.     Cf.   Vita  Jotsaldo,  i.  13. 

^  Bihl.  Clun.  p.  412,  Quod  vocatur  ius  patronatus,  et  ius  praesentandi. 

^  Bruel,  iv.  2817  ;  cf.  2890.  The  monastery  had  been  built  by  count  Otto 
William,  consecrated  by  the  bishop  of  Autun,  and  put  under  Cluny  in  perpetuity. 


190  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

countenance,  begged  him  by  his  ecclesiastical  authority  to  grant 
in  writing  a  privilege  to  the  ecclesia  of  Molgon.  He,  not  com- 
pelled by  greed,  but  moved  by  their  humble  prayer,  consented, 
and  decreed  that  it  and  its  property  should  never  again  be  sold 
or  bought,  nor  pay  dues,  nor  be  in  subjection  to  the  lay  power, 
but  be  under  his  authority  and  the  rule  (regimen)  of  the  monks 
of  Cluny.  To  this  the  consent  of  his  canons,  of  the  abbots  of 
Poitiers,  and  of  the  princes  of  Aquitaine  had  been  given.^ 

In  1031  Bernard,  bishop  of  Cahors,  and  his  brother  gave  Cluny 
St.  Sernin's,  Carennac,  with  everything  belonging  to  it,  except  a 
third  of  a  rivulet,  which  the  brother  retained.  The  church  had 
belonged  to  the  cathedral  of  Cahors,  and  lest  any  one  objected 
to  this  alienation,  the  bishop  gave  the  cathedral  another  church 
which  was  his  by  hereditary  right.  The  agreement  was  signed 
in  the  chapter  at  Cahors  before  the  whole  body  of  canons,  abbots, 
priests,  archdeacons,  clerks,  and  other  men.^ 

In  1032  the  archbishop  of  Besan9on,  at  the  request  of  the 
distinguished  abbot  Odilo,  gave  Cluny  the  altare  of  the  monastery 
Vaux,  near  Poligny,  Besan9on.  The  bishop  recalled  that  Christ 
committed  His  church  first  to  the  apostles,  then  to  the  bishops, 
many  of  whom  with  fervent  zeal  had  watched  solicitously  over 
the  clerks  and  monks  of  their  flock,  until  at  the  end  of  the  last 
century,  iniquity  abounding  and  charity  growing  cold,  they  had 
become  lax.  He  called  on  his  episcopal  brethren,  therefore,  to 
awake  from  sleep,  and  to  follow  his  example  by  doing  good, 
joyfully  and  with  more  generous  hand,  to  those  houses  of  the 
saints  where  they  knew  the  grace  of  the  Spirit  most  fervently 
to  abound.  As  a  reward  for  sharing  their  temporal  goods  with 
such  houses  they  would  participate  in  the  merits  of  the  monks. 
Besides  the  altare,  he  gave  to  the  little  monastery  tenths,  burial 
dues,  and  oblations  from  the  vill  Mantes,  and  two  chapels  with 
their  tenths,  burial  dues,  and  oblations,  on  condition  that  at  the 
synodal  season  the  monks  of  Poligny  should  pay  to  his  cathedral, 
as  had  been  done  in  the  past,  a  fourth  of  the  paratae  and  eulogiae. 
1  Ibid.  iv.  2816.  2  i^id.  iv.  2856. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  191 

To  all  this  wealth  of  almsgiving,  the  bishop  ended  with  conscious 
virtue,  he  added  bagarna  ^  in  Graus,  for  which  the  monks  were  not 
to  neglect  to  pay  his  successors  three  measures  of  salt  annually. 

In  1037  Aymar,  count  of  Valence,  his  wife  and  five  sons, 
gave  Cluny  the  abbey  of  St.  Marcel's,  Sauzet,  with  land, 
woods,  meadows,  vineyards,  waters,  mills,  pasture.  For  long 
the  abbots  of  St.  Marcel's  had  been  careless  and  neglectful  of 
the  cure  of  souls,  and  the  viscount  wished  to  see  the  spiritual 
life  of  the  abbey  restored.^  Four  years  before  Odilo's  death, 
St.  Saviour's,  Nevers,  which  belonged  to  the  jurisdiction  of 
bishop  Hugh  of  Nevers,  was  put  under  Cluny  (1045).^  Famous 
in  former  times,  St.  Saviour's  had  been  so  much  neglected  by 
the  bishop's  predecessors  that  '  almost  all  knowledge  of  the 
Benedictine  rule  was  lost '  (eliminatam).  Wishing  to  see  it 
restored  to  its  former  greatness,  the  bishop  on  the  advice  of  its 
abbot,  his  clerks,  and  the  faithful  of  the  diocese,  ceded  it  to 
Cluny,  that  by  the  prayers  of  the  monks  his  and  their  names 
mxight  be  written  in  the  book  of  the  living.  The  canons  of  St. 
Cyr,  who  had  rights  over  St.  Saviour's,  gave  their  consent  to  the 
gift.  In  the  vill  Sarrians,  given  to  Maiolus  by  William,  duke  of 
Provence,  a  Cluniac  monk  (frater  et  monachus)  built  an  ecclesia 
to  which  he  gave  a  manor  as  endowment.* 

Cluniac  influence  spread  to  Spain  through  the  reforming  zeal 
of  Sanchius  the  Great.  Sanchius  held  himself  responsible  for 
the  secular  and  ecclesiastical  welfare  of  the  kingdom.  His  task 
filled  him  with  fear  and  awe,  but  he  had  prayed  to  God  for 
strength,  intelligence,  and  wisdom.  He  felt  that  his  prayer  had 
been  heard  when  God  granted  him  to  expel  many  of  the  Moors 
from  his  kingdom  '  as  all  the  world  knew  '.  Wishing  to  show 
his  gratitude,  he  could  think  of  no  better  way  than  to  revive 
monastic  life,  which  was  unknown  in  his  kingdom,  though  the 
most  perfect  (perfectissimus)   of  all  ecclesiastical  orders.^     He 

1  Bagerna  (Ducange)  =  vessels  for  cooking  salt.  ^  Ibid.  iv.  2921. 

=^  Ibid.  iv.  29G1.  *  Ibid.  iv.  2866. 

^  Ibid.  iii.  2891.  The  charter  is  addressed  to  the  pope,  archbishops, 
bishops,  all  ecclesiastics,  and  all  Christian  people. 


192  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

himself  had  wished  to  be  a  monk,  remembering  that  it  was 
written,  '  Go,  sell  all  that  thou  hast,  and  follow  Me.'  He  had 
sorrowed  greatly  that  the  command  was  not  for  him,  but  had 
prayed  God  to  give  him  help  to  illuminate  the  darkness  of  his 
kingdom  with  monastic  virtue.  Having  consulted  the  prudent 
and  religious  men  of  the  kingdom  he  learned  that  Cluny  shone 
more  brightly  in  the  regular  life  than  any  other  monastery.  He 
therefore  sent  Paternus  with  a  devout  company  of  religious 
companions  to  study  the  perfect  monastic  life  at  Cluny,  and  to 
bring  back  to  the  thirsty  the  drink  of  the  monastic  profession. 
On  his  return,  Paternus  was  appointed  abbot  of  St.  John's, 
Pena,  a  monastery  favoured  with  royal  gifts  and  many  privileges. 

Next  the  bishops,  clerks,  nobles,  and  common  people  begged 
the  king  to  reform  Ona  (Castile),  a  monastery  founded  by  count 
Sanchius,  once  richly  endowed  with  lands  and  goods,  but  fallen 
into  decadence.  Paternus  was  consulted,  Ona  was  put  under  the 
Benedictine  rule,  the  women  expelled,^  and  monks  brought 
there,  one  of  whom  Paternus  instructed  in  the  duties  of  abbot. 

The  king  granted  the  monastery  a  royal  charter.  It  was 
autonomous.  No  king,  duke,  count,  bishop,  secular  nor  ecclesi- 
astical person  was  to  disturb  or  enter  it  without  the  abbot's 
consent.  The  monks  were  to  elect  their  abbots,  whom  the  bishop 
of  the  diocese,  if  he  was  a  Catholic  and  would  do  so  without 
payment  (sine  pretio),  was  to  consecrate  :  if  not,  the  metropolitan 
was  to  be  approached  :  failing  him,  Rome.  The  abbot  had  full 
power  over  the  monastery's  land  and  property.  Only  he  could 
expel  or  admit  a  monk.  He  could  not  be  deposed  nor  suspended 
except  for  a  capital  and  venal  offence,  and  after  canonical  sentence 
passed  in  a  general  and  Catholic  council.  Interdict  laid  on  the 
province  was  not  to  apply  to  the  monastery.  A  terrible  anathema 
was  called  down  on  any  one  who  violated  the  charter. 

^  Ibid.,  Depulsisque  mulieribus  monasterio  sine  aliqua  reverentia  habi- 
tantibus.  Cf.  Vita  Enecorus,  cap.  3,  Pulsis  ex  eo  monialibus  quaruni  vita 
parum  monasticae  regulae  respondebat.  Count  Sanchius  had  originally  founded 
a  double  monastery,  inhabited  by  monks  and  nuns  (Gams,  Kirchengeschichte 
von  Spanien,  ii.  2,  p.  419). 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  193 

During  this  period  there  were  not  so  many  gifts  from  bishops, 
and  those  mostly  monasteries  put  under  Cluny.  Several  churches 
were  given,  and  land,  e.g.  the  bishop  of  Grenoble  (996)  gave 
half  a  castrum  with  his  house  to  Cluny,  the  whole  of  a  burg  with 
its  church  and  all  belonging  to  it,  also  another  church  with  tenths, 
cemeteries,  and  oblations.^  In  1006  Liebald,  bishop  of  Macon, 
'  willingly  obeying  the  voice  of  Odilo  and  his  monks ',  gave  two 
little  serfs  (servulos)  to  the  Doorkeeper  of  Heaven.^  In  1019, 
when  presiding  at  a  synod  he  was  asked  by  Odilo  and  his  monks 
to  grant  Cluny  the  church  of  St.  Sulpicius,  with  its  tenths 
and  all  belonging  to  it,  in  perpetuity.  After  consultation  with 
his  canons  he  consented,  reserving  for  the  cathedral  synodal 
service,  paratae  et  eulogiae.^  Geoffrey,  bishop  of  Chalon,  sit- 
ting at  the  general  council  with  his  canons,  was  humbly  asked 
by  Odilo  for  the  altar e  and  tenths  of  a  church  at  Juilly, 
for  which  he  was  to  receive  another  church.  He  consented  and 
decreed  that  no  future  bishop  of  Chalon  was  to  dispute  the  gift, 
nor  demand  any  dues  from  the  monks,  except  synodal  service,* 
Hugh,  bishop  of  Autun  (1019),  gave  half  a  curtis  and  praised  his 
sister  and  her  husband  for  giving  the  other  half.  In  gratitude 
the  monks  gave  him  a  censer  weighing  five  pounds  gold.^  Walter, 
bishop  of  Besan9on,  at  the  request  of  the  monks  and  because  he 
had  always  been  bound  in  special  friendship  with  Cluny  and  hoped 
to  participate  in  the  monks'  good  deeds,  gave  them  the  altare 
of  St.  Stephen,  Porto,  tenths  and  other  dues,  saving  eulogiae  ct 
fanitae.^  Gauzlin,  bishop  of  Macon,  exchanged  lands  with 
Odilo  (1023)."^  Walter,  another  bishop  of  Macon,  confirmed  a 
gift  of  land  made  by  his  mother  to  Cluny  (1047).^ 

Certain  other  charters  are  of  interest.  One  is  somewhat 
quaint :  A  certain  man,  speechless  and  at  death's  door,  was 
carried  by  his  relatives  to  Cluny,  where  he  died.  In  the  first 
flush  of   their  grief  the  relatives  decided  to  give  the  seniores 

1  Ibid.  iii.  2307.  -  Ibid.  iii.  263(5.  ^  i\^-^^   ^u.  2721. 

■•  Ibid.  iii.  2(592.  ^  ly^^^   jji   2722.  «  Ibid.  iii.  2740. 

'  Ibid.  iii.  2783.  8  i\^^^  j^   2965. 

O 


194  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

part  of  a'  vill,  a  freehold  (franchisia)  in  another  vill,  a  field,  and 
a  female  serf  for  the  good  of  the  dead  man's  soul.  Eleven  of 
the  relations,  i.e.  a  mother  with  her  six  sons  and  four  daughters, 
and  four  of  the  friends  signed  the  deed  of  gift.  After  a  time 
the  six  brothers,  '  blinded  by  greed  ',  threatened  to  take  the  serf 
back,  maintaining  that  they  had  never  really  given  her.  Odilo 
immediately  summoned  the  malcontents  to  the  cloisters  at  Cluny, 
and  before  the  font,  on  the  festival  of  St.  Paul's,  showed  them 
the  charter  of  gift.  Of  those  present  some  acknowledged  it,  but 
others  denied  it.  Partly  by  his  sweet  speech,  partly  by  a  gift 
of  23  solidi,  Odilo  persuaded  all  to  sign  a  second  time.^ 

Another  charter  contains  a  clamor  de  malis?  A  certain  lord 
Bernard  did  harm  to  Odilo  and  his  monks  by  giving  them  a 
wood  for  their  own  (in  propria)  and  then  putting  his  pigs  to 
feed  there.  The  monk  in  charge  took  some  of  them  as  pledges. 
Bernard  put  them  back.  The  monk  retaliated  by  killing  them. 
Bernard  then  made  him  pay  for  them.  In  the  same  wood  he 
gave  a  vill  to  the  monks,  then  took  the  dues  and  they  had  nothing. 
Besides,  men  who  had  no  right  to  be  there  held  the  land  of  St. 
Mary's,  Bernard  taking  their  services  :  daily  they  did  the  day's 
work  from  their  castellum,  fed  the  dogs,  did  much  damage,  and 
carried  off  wood.  The  monk  Odo  received  dues  from  the  land 
of  St.  Mary's.  Bernard  made  him  return  them.  These  and  other 
unheard-of  ills  he  did,  too  numerous  to  be  written  down. 

A  dispute  over  meadow  land  between  Odilo,  his  prepositus,  and 
Elizabeth,  abbess  of  Balma,  was  amicably  settled  at  Cluny  before 
the  abbots  of  St.  Benigne's,  St.  Evre's,  St.  Stephen's,  the  pre- 
positus and  deacon  of  Langres,  Erluin  skilled  in  human  and 
divine  wisdom,  and  other  clerks  and  noblemen.  The  decision 
of  these  able  men  was  to  be  final,  '  for  the  dispute  had  continued 
long,  though  not  in  anger,  nor  bitterness,  but  in  peace,  tran- 
quillity, and  legitimate  reasoning '.  However,  they  were  not 
called  on  to  give  judgement,  for  the  abbess  and  her  nuns,  that 
good  fellowship  might  continue,  preferred  to  give  up  the  pasture 

1  Ibid.  iii.  2009.  '  Ibid.  iii.  2142. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  195 

land  in  question  which  indeed  was  useless  to  them.  The  monks, 
for  the  great  love  they  bore  the  nuns,  presented  them  with  a 
small  gift  (parva  satis  munuscula),  i.e.  100  solidi  of  public 
money.  ^ 

One  charter  records  a  slanderous  attack  on  Cluny,  when 
(1020)  before  Odilo  and  count  William,  at  Macon,  the  sons  of 
a  certain  Heluin  accused  the  monks  of  having  taken  their  lands 
and  manors,  and  of  having  carried  off  some  silver  vases.  All 
present  swore  that  this  was  false,  a  lie,  and  unjust.  A  few 
charters  deal  with  compensation  for  murder  ;  e.g.  for  the  murder 
of  a  miles  at  Cluny  the  monks  were  given  a  manor,  a  serf  living 
there  with  his  wife  and  children,  and  a  curtilus  in  the  vill  Car- 
siniacus.2 

In  another  case  where  a  man  was  killed  before  the  very  gates 
of  Cluny,  the  murderer  and  his  accomplices  were  brought  before 
Rainald  the  prior  by  Walter  the  clerk.  Besides  paying  the 
customary  60  solidi  (for  which  sureties  were  given)  the  criminal 
ceded  to  the  monks  land  which  he  had  long  held  in  beneficio,  and 
swore  on  the  holy  relics  never  to  disturb  Cluny's  possession  of  it. 
He  also  gave  the  monks  a  manor,  the  possession  of  which  he 
had  long  disputed  with  them.^  '  It  is  pleasing  to  add  that,  on 
the  day  of  his  funeral,  his  wife  and  son  acknowledged  the  agree- 
ment before  many  witnesses,  and  sealed  their  testimony  with  a 
stone ' — a  scrupulous  fulfilment  of  liabilities  evidently  rare  ! 
Another  case  of  murder  where  the  victim  was  only  one  of  Cluny's 
serfs  was  more  lightly  settled,  the  dead  man  being  replaced  by 
the  son  of  his  murderer.  The  statement  of  the  owner  ran  :  '  I, 
my  wife  and  children,  give  Cluny  a  serf  Dunarrunus,  son  of 
Dehonus,  in  place  of  another  serf  whom  Dehonus  killed  ' — 
a  case  of  the  child  indeed  paying  for  the  sins  of  the  father. 
The  monks  of  Cluny  were  to  do  what  they  would  with  Dunar- 
ranus.^     One  charter  gave  the  formula  by  which  the  father  of 

1  Ibid.  iii.  2043.  -  Ibid.  iii.  2784. 

^  Ibid.  iv.  2848.     The  accomplices,  one  a  priest  and  one  a  miles,  had  to 

stand  security  each  for  a  hundred  solidi.  Pro  malcjitio  infra  salvitatem  perpetrato 

iuxta  consuetudiiieni.  *  Ibid.  iv.  2849. 


196  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

the  bishop  of  Macon  enfranchised  a  serf  (a  clerk),  proclaimed  him 
free  from  all  servitude  save  that  of  God  and  the  monks  whose 
seniores  he  begged  to  love  and  defend  and  with  all  honour  guard 
and  keep  him.^  After  Odilo's  death,  once  when  his  successor 
Hugh  was  at  Chalon  the  gift  was  confirmed  again  by  the  donor, 
his  two  sons  and  grandson.  In  gratitude  to  Odilo  who  had 
rescued  him  from  captivity,  a  man  gave  his  paternal  inheritance 
to  Cluny  and  proclaimed  himself  Odilo's  '  man '.  Of  his  three 
brothers,  two  became  monks.  The  third,  still  a  minor,  was  to 
hold  his  share  of  the  paternal  inheritance  in  beneficio  from  St. 
Peter.  On  his  death  it  reverted  to  Cluny.  Several  other  charters 
may  be  quoted.  Archimbald,  viscount  of  Macon,  before  setting 
out  on  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem,  gave  the  monks  an  ecclesia,  a 
manor,  and  a  wood,  to  be  held  in  trust  until  he  returned.  On  his 
return,  in  generous  mood  he  gave  them  the  manor  and  its  serfs. ^ 
Two  years  later  (1039)  he  gave  the  ecclesia,  having  reflected  that 
if  they  who  throw  grain  on  the  earth  to  receive  back  a  hundred- 
fold are  wise,  much  more  so  are  they  who  give  earthly  things  to 
receive  eternal.  All  he  had  formerly  given  the  ecclesia  was  to 
serve  for  the  use  of  the  monks  who  were  to  have  a  perpetual 
habitation  there,  subject  to  the  will  of  the  abbot  of  Cluny. ^ 
He  also  confirmed  a  charter  by  which  his  father  left  a  curtis 
to  Cluny. 

A  man  and  his  brothers  ceded  to  Cluny  in  perpetuity  their 
dues  from  a  vill  with  the  stipulation  that  on  the  anniversary 
of  their  father's  death  the  seniores  would  always  give  a  very 
generous  refection  to  the  monks  that  they  might  the  better  bear 
the  anniversary  in  mind  !  *  A  woman,  who  had  just  married  a 
second  husband,  gave  the  monks  land,  a  female  serf,  and  her 
children,  for  the  soul  of  her  first  husband.^ 

^  Ibid.  iv.  2869,  Dono  mei  iuris  servum  clericum  ut  ab  hac  die  a  mea  sit 
servitute  et  omniutn  parentum  meorum  extorris,  extraneus  et  alienus  et  liber 
quatenus  nullius  mortali  homini  servire  cogatur  nisi  Domino,  88.  Petro  et  Paulo 
et  monachis  de  Climiaco  tali  tenore  tali  ration e  ut  seniores  ilium  jpro  Dei  honor e 
et  amore  diligant.  ^  Ibid.  iv.  2922, 

3  Ibid.  iv.  2932.  ^  Ibid.  iv.  2940.  ^  Ibid.  iv.  2946. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  197 

A  '  noble  woman  '  who  wished  to  enfief  land  given  to  the 
monks  came  to  Cluny  with  her  request.  The  land  was  granted 
her  for  her  own  and  her  son's  lifetime  at  a  yearly  rent  of  35  solidi, 
which  if  she  failed  to  pay  one  year  was  to  be  doubled  the  next. 
In  goodwill  she  also  agreed  to  give  40  solidi,  a  mule  valued  at 
100  solidi,  and  a  saddle.  After  her  own  and  her  son's  death  the 
property  reverted  to  Cluny. ^  A  man  at  his  death  left  property 
to  Cluny.  His  wife  and  sons,  who  had  not  consented  to  the  gift, 
showed  their  ill-will  by  doing  as  much  harm  (injurias)  as  they 
could  to  the  monks.  This  injustice  the  latter  bore  so  meekly 
that  the  sinners  returned  to  a  better  state  of  mind,  and  before 
the  count  of  Macon  and  other  nobles  made  a  large  gift  of  property 
to  Cluny. 

Count  Otto  himself,  knowing  that  pervasores  and  other 
persons  who  unjustly  held  church  property  were  an  abomination 
to  the  Lord,  restored  to  Cluny  two  vills  which  he  had  devastated. 
A  more  cogent  reason  may  have  been  the  fact  that  Odilo,  '  a  man 
loved  by  all ',  was  suing  him  before  duke  Henry  and  his  counts. 
One  transfer  of  a  grant  of  land,  in  the  presence  of  bishop  Walter 
and  the  monks,  was  made  good  by  the  giving  of  a  stone.^ 

Churches  in  those  days  seem  to  take  the  place  of  the  modern 
company,  and  their  dues  that  of  the  modern  investment ;  e.g.  a 
donor  who  held  two-thirds  of  a  church  gave  in  hereditario  a 
third  to  Cluny  and  his  son,  a  monk,  and  a  third  to  his  wife  and 
daughter ;  the  other  third  belonged  to  his  sister.  A  man  and 
his  wife  gave  Cluny  a  church  with  the  cultivated  and  uncultivated 
land  belonging  to  it.  They  were  to  hold  it  for  life,  and  in 
investiture  were  to  give  the  burial  dues  in  their  entirety,  and 
without  delay,  and  annually  two  measures  of  wine,  and  one- 
tenth  '  of  the  fruit  of  their  labours  '.^  A  repentant  sinner  who 
had  made  unjust  claims  on  property  and  land  adjoining  his, 
thereby  stirring  up  much  mischief  against  the  monks,  begged  for 
pardon.  He  renounced  the  evil  and  unjust  dues  he  had  taken 
from  a  church,  its  grounds  and  cemetery,  and  promised  not  to 

1  Ibid.  iv.  2883.  -  Ibid.  iv.  2870.  ^  Ibid.  iv.  2914. 


198  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

support  the  priest  there  if  he  annoyed  the  monks  or  took  ser- 
vitium  which  belonged  to  them.  To  make  his  pardon  doubly  sure, 
he  also  gave  up  whatever  rights  he  had  in  four  manors,  two  given 
to  the  monks  by  his  sister,  that  the  love  and  benevolence  which 
had  existed  between  them  and  his  parents  should  remain  firm 
and  uncorrupted,  and  descend  to  his  successors.  The  monks 
could  always  rely  on  his  fidelity.  He  commended  his  body  to 
them  for  burial.^ 

A  repentant  sinner,  remembering  the  injuries  he  had  done 
the  monks,  the  dues  he  had  exacted  from  them,  and  the  unjust 
claims  he  had  stirred  up  against  them,  thereby  having  for  long 
afflicted  the  servants  of  St.  Peter,  and  roused  the  apostle's  anger 
against  him,  confessed  his  guilt  before  Odilo  and  his  monks. 
The  charter  of  his  misdeeds  was  drawn  up  because  he  wished  to 
have  it  put  on  record  that  his  conduct  had  been  without  justifi- 
cation. 

1  Ibid.  iv.  2905. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

ODILO'S    DEATH— CHARACTER    AND    MIRACLES 

Long  before  Odilo  died  he  longed  for  death,  life  being  to  him  a 
burden  and  death  the  reward.  In  the  last  five  years  of  his  life 
he  suffered  very  terribly.^  Once  thinking  the  end  near,  he 
hastened  to  Rome,  hoping  to  die  there  protected  by  the  apostles. 
But  man's  fate  is  not  in  his  own  hands.  After  four  months' 
illness  he  recovered  and  returned  to  Cluny,  where  he  lived  ten 
months  longer. ^ 

He  often  stayed  in  the  Holy  City  for  weeks  and  months. 
During  his  last  visit,  at  the  time  of  the  papaL  election  and  the 
imperial  coronation,  he  spent  all  his  time  in  praying  at  the 
different  churches  of  the  city  and  in  giving  alms  to  the  poor. 
He  passed  the  Epiphany  sorrowful  that  he  must  leave  Rome. 
He  spent  his  last  day  in  St.  Peter's  still  hoping  that  he  might  be 
allowed  to  die  in  Rome.  At  last  he  tore  himself  away,  but 
returned  to  fall  before  the  altar  in  prayer.  Then,  his  face  so 
ravaged  with  grief  as  to  be  unrecognisable,  he  fled.^  Accom- 
panied by  his  monks  he  started  on  his  journey.  The  roads  were 
bad,  and  Odilo,  who  was  still  weak,  fell  from  his  horse  and  was 
struck  by  its  hoof.  The  monks  carried  him  to  St.  Pancratius' 
and  next  day  to  St.  Mary's,  Aventine.  Rome,  the  greatest  city 
in  the  world,  was  moved  by  a  wave  of  grief :  no  one  without 
a  breast  of  iron  could  have  refrained  from  mourning.  Many 
visitors  came  to  that  bedside  :  pope  Clement,  alone  or  with  the 
chief  men  of  the  city,  often  with  wonderful  kindness  and  sweet 
words    consoled    the    sufferer,*     and    archbishop    Lawrence    of 

1    Vita  Jotmldo,  i.  14.  ~  Ibid. 

*  Ne.ues  Archiv,  xv.  p.  121.  ••  Ibid.  cf.   Vila  Jotsahh),  i.  14. 

199 


200  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

Amalfij  learned  in  Greek  and  Latin,  the  charm  of  whose  eloquence 
and  affability  of  whose  great  genius  were  as  medicine  to  the 
sufferer.  Odilo  wrote  to  tell  his  monks  of  his  accident  and  begged 
them  to  pray  for  him,  '  guilty  in  that  he  had  not  been  careful 
enough  of  their  spiritual  guidance '.  Masses  were  said  till 
March,  when  he  began  to  recover,  and  meant  to  leave  Rome. 
Pope  Clement  persuaded  him  to  stay  for  Easter.  On  Palm 
Sunday  he  grew  very  ill  again  :  '  the  floors  of  the  grief-stricken 
house  were  wet  witli  tears ',  and  his  life  despaired  of.  On 
Easter  day,  to  the  amazement  of  all,  he  went  to  St.  Paul's,  and 
afterwards  had  refection  joyously  with  his  monks.  Five  days 
later  he  returned  to  Cluny. 

He  lived  ten  months  longer,  afflicting  himself  with  fasts 
and  vigils,  praying  with  fervent  prayers  and  exhorting  his  monks 
with  great  earnestness.  Then,  old  as  he  was,  he  decided  to  visit 
all  the  houses  he  had  reformed,  and  whc^e  his  health  failed  to 
await  his  call.  He  did  not  get  farther  than  Souvigny.  '  Lord 
Jesus,  what  sighs  and  groans  the  saint  uttered,  with  what  fervour 
he  confessed  his  sins,  glorified  Thy  majesty,  invoked  Thy  name, 
dwelt  on  Thy  passion  and  our  redemption.  With  eyes  raised 
and  tears  running  down  his  cheeks  he  gazed  on  Thy  image  and 
sorrowed  over  Thy  face  as  if  he  beheld  Thee  again  crucified. 
With  Mary  Thy  Mother  he  stood  in  anguish  at  the  foot  of  the 
cross,  the  sword  of  sorrow  piercing  his  heart.  With  his  corporal 
or  incorporal  eyes  he  saw  the  evil  one  approach.  His  cry  rang 
out,  "  By  the  virtue  of  Christ  and  the  standard  of  the  Holy  Cross 
I  withstand  thee,  thou  enemy  of  the  human  race.  Turn  thy 
machinations  from  me  and  cease  thy  secret  and  hidden  ambushes 
before  the  Cross  of  my  Saviour  whom  I  have  always  adored, 
always  blessed,  and  into  whose  hands  I  commend  my  spirit."  ' 

Christmas  approached,  the  festival  Odilo  always  loved  the 
most.  On  Christmas  Eve  he  went  with  the  brothers  to  the 
chapter-house,  heard  the  glad  tidings,  fell  on  his  knees,  adored 
and  prayed,  then  gave  an  address,  the  best  he  had  ever  delivered  ! 
He  comforted  the  sorrowing  brothers,  and  told  them  that  he 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  201 

hoped  to  be  [)resent  at  the  festival  after  his  death.  Too  weak  to 
be  present  at  the  council,  he  was  carried  to  the  chapel  of  St. 
Mary,  and  left  there  with  some  of  the  monks.  Then,  a  joyous 
precentor,  he  ordered  psalms  and  antiphons  to  be  sung,  and 
forgetting  his  own  suffering  joyfully  repeated  all  the  Christmas 
offices.  Joy  w^as  the  keynote  of  his  deatli.  Daily  he  was  carried 
to  mass,  and  at  last  it  was  revealed  to  him  that  his  call  would 
come  on  the  day  after  the  Circumcision,  at  which  he  rejoiced 
the  more,  because  that  perfect  man,  William  of  St.  Benigne's, 
had  received  his  divine  crown  on  the  day  of  the  Circumcision. 
Wrought  up  by  this  expectation,  he  lived  for  days  almost  without 
food  or  drink,  and  making  little  of  the  pain  he  suffered,  put 
all  his  public  and  private  affairs  in  order,  and  gave  directions 
about  his  funeral. 

St.  Sylvester's  Day  passed,  the  vigil  of  the  Circumcision 
approached.  More  and  more  terribly  did  the  pains  of  death 
assail  him.  In  agony  he  asked  for  the  sacred  Body  and  Blood, 
which  faithfully  he  recognised  and  devoutly  received.  Ever 
he  adored  his  Christ,  and  ever  he  repulsed  the  prince  of  darkness. 
All  day  long  the  brothers  read  to  him.  Then,  for  the  last  time 
they  gathered  round  him.  They  asked  him  whom  he  wished 
to  be  his  successor.  He  replied  :  '  I  leave  that  to  the  dis- 
pensation of  God  and  the  choice  of  the  brothers  '. 

Day  drew  on  to  vespers.  He  was  carried  to  St.  Mary's 
chapel,  where  he  rallied  again,  chose  the  psalms,  and,  though 
dying,  himself  sang  with  the  brothers.  When  they  in  their 
grief  forgot  a  verse  he  corrected  them.  He  then  bade  them 
leave  him  alone.  When  he  was  being  carried  back  to  the 
dormitory,  he  asked  what  had  happened  at  the  council,  and 
suddenly  in  the  bearers'  hands  he  seemed  as  dead.  In  haste 
a  cloth  was  spread  on  the  ground,  ashes  sprinkled  on  it,  and  his 
holy  body  laid  thereon.  But  his  spirit  returned,  he  asked  where 
he  was,  and  on  learning  that  he  lay  on  the  cinder  and  ashes, 
gave  thanks  to  God.  He  next  inquired  if  the  children  and  the 
convent  us  of  the  monks  were  present,  and  was  tolA  they  were. 

.    tvHCHAE.L'3 
COLLEGE 


202  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

Seeing  thp  Cross  near  him,  he  fixed  his  eyes  on  it.  From  the 
movement  of  his  lips  it  could  be  seen  that  he  was  repeating 
the  prayers  for  the  dead.  Then,  without  any  twitching  of  the 
body,  he  closed  his  eyes  and  passed  away  in  peace.  The 
brothers  whom  he  had  chosen  washed  and  anointed  his  body. 
His  limbs  were  composed  in  their  old  familiar  attitude,  and  his 
body  laid  before  the  holy  altar,  where  as  to  a  shrine  for  three 
days  monks  came  hastening  from  far  and  near.  His  funeral 
was  attended  not  only  by  the  whole  town,  but  also  the  whole 
province.  All  who  came  were  weeping,  some  with  joy  that  they 
had  been  given  such  a  father,  some  with  sorrow  that  he  had  been 
taken  from  them.  He  was  eighty-six  years  old,  and  for  fifty-six 
had  been  abbot  of  Cluny. 

Wonders  marked  his  passing.  On  the  night  of  his  funeral 
he  appeared  to  a  certain  Gregorius,  a  monk  of  simple  nature 
and  innocent  life,  who  had  come  from  afar  to  the  funeral.  Having 
kept  vigil  before  the  altar,  he  retired  worn  out  to  his  cell.  In 
his  sleep  he  saw  Odilo  stand  before  him.  To  his  question, 
'  How  is  it  with  thee,  oh  master  ?  '  he  received  the  answer, 
'  Very  well,  oh  brother,  Christ  Himself  deigned  to  come  and 
meet  His  servant.  In  the  hour  of  my  death  He  pointed  out  to 
me  a  fierce  and  terrible  figure  which,  standing  in  a  corner,  would 
have  terrified  me  by  its  huge  monstrosity  had  not  its  malignancy 
been  annulled  by  His  presence.'  The  vision  vanished,  and  the 
brother  rose  and  told  his  companions.  Forty  days  after,  Odilo 
appeared  again,  this  time  to  a  clerk,  of  Teutonic  race,  of  very 
good  family,  a  relative  of  pope  Leo  and  a  beloved  friend  of 
Odilo's.  The  clerk  was  at  Rome  for  the  funeral  of  archbishop 
Lawrence,  and  after  the  ceremony  fell  asleep.  Roused  from  his 
sleep  by  the  appearance  of  Odilo,  the  trembling  and  fearful 
brother  asked,  '  Master,  why  art  thou  here  ?  '  Odilo  answered,' 
'  I  come  from  the  funeral  of  our  brother  Lawrence,  and  I  did 
not  wish  to  go  away  without  seeing  thee  '. 

Odilo  had  not  that  beauty  of  person  which  marked  Maiolus. 
He  was  of  middle  height,  very  thin  and  pale.     From  his  dead- 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  203 

white  face  his  eyes  blazed  with  a  splendour  which  was  the  terror 
and  admiration  of  beholders.  His  voice  was  strong  and  beauti- 
fully modulated  :  his  speech  suave  and  always  apt ;  his  expres- 
sion tranquil  and  cheerful  ;  his  every  gesture  marked  by  authority 
and  gravity.  To  the  proud  and  offensive  he  could  be  so  terrible 
that  they  shrank.^ 

In  analysing  Odilo's  character  Jotsaldus  took  as  his  standard 
the  four  cardinal  virtues,  prudence,  justice,  fortitude,  and 
temperance.  In  prudence  ^ — search  for  truth  and  desire  for 
fuller  knowledge  —  he  excelled.  Nothing  gave  him  greater 
pleasure  than  reading.  He  was  learned  in  the  Scriptures,  from 
which  he  could  quote  by  heart.  He  always  had  a  book  of  divine 
contemplation  in  his  hands.  His  own  eloquence  was  great, 
as  was  seen  in  his  letters  and  sermons,  '  sw^eet  as  richest  honey, 
redolent  of  prudence,  eloquence,  suavity,  and  grace  '. 

In  justice  ^ — rendering  to  each  his  due,  not  taking  what 
belongs,  to  another,  and  neglecting  his  own  interests  for  the 
common  good — he  also  excelled.  He  gave  due  honour  to  men 
of  every  age  and  rank.  According  to  the  w^ord  of  the  apostle, 
he  resisted  princes  and  Christian  dignitaries  in  nothing.  Four 
popes,  Sylvester,  Benedict,  John,  and  Clement  '  of  pious 
memory ',  regarded  him  as  a  brother.  Robert,  king  of  the 
Franks,  the  empress  Adelheid,  the  emperors  Henry  and  Conrad, 
loved  and  venerated  him.  Between  him  and  the  two  latter  it 
seemed  as  if  there  were  but  '  one  heart  and  mind  '.  Stephen, 
king  of  the  Hungarians,  and  Sanchius,  king  of  Spain,  though 
they  never  saw  him,  knew  of  his  holiness  and  delighted  in  his 
letters  and  admonitions.  Sanchius,  bishop  of  Pamplona,  came 
from  the  far  west  to  be  his  monk.  Italy  rejoiced  in  his  presence, 
more  especially  Pavia,  which  he  twice  saved  from  destruction  by 
fire  and  sword;  so  too  did  Rome,  mistress  of  the  world.  He  was 
not  proud,  and  was  the  friend  of  all,  regarding  old  men  as  fathers, 
the  young  as  brothers,  old  women  as  mothers,  and  virgins  as 
sisters.     To  all,  as  was  commonly  said,  he  was  dear  as  an  angel. 

^    Vila  Jotmldo,  i.  5.  '  Ibid.  i.  (i.  '  Ibid.  i.  7. 


204  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

Strangers  coining  to  Cluny  found  him  profusely  generous, 
so  sure  was  he  that  Christ  would  never  let  him  lack.  Anything 
offered  to  him  he  took,  that  he  might  have  the  more  to  give  to 
the  poor.  He  gave  away  so  much  that  often  he  had  nothing  for 
the  necessities  of  the  brothers,  but  always,  however  unexpectedly, 
'  sufficient  blessings  '  would  arrive  for  their  needs.  In  a  time 
of  famine  he  melted  down  many  of  the  church  vases  and  orna- 
ments for  the  poor — not  grudging  even  the  imperial  crown.^ 
Gold,  he  would  say,  was  less  precious  then  Christ's  blood  so 
freely  shed  for  them.  During  another  famine  he  went  round 
many  vills  and  churches  and  by  his  sweet  speech  and  promise 
of  absolution  persuaded  princes,  the  rich,  and  the  well-to-do 
(mediocres)  to  give  alms,  thereby  saving  many  thousands  of  the 
poor  from  starvation.  He  was  compassionate  to  all,^  so  much 
so  that  sometimes  the  prudent  chided  him  for  lack  of  discrimina- 
tion, when  he  would  jokingly  say,  '  I  would  rather  be  mercifully 
judged  for  having  shown  mercy,  than  be  cruelly  damned  for 
having  shown  cruelty  '.^  He  even  received  the  murderer  of  a 
bishop  who  fled  to  Cluny  to  take  vows,  and  who,  as  he  could 
read  and  sing  like  a  skilled  clerk,  Odilo  thought  in  time  might 
be  ordained.  But  the  pope,  whose  consent  he  wrote  and  asked, 
replied  that  no  such  criminal  could  become  a  priest  nor  offer 
oblation  at  the  altar  lest  through  him  the  wrath  of  God  descended 

^  Ibid.  It  was  perhaps  at  this  time  that  he  wrote  to  make  known  to 
Garseas  of  Spain— though  not  without  a  blush  {sine  rubore) — the  necessity 
and  need  which  had  af^icted  Clunj'  for  two  or  three  years  past.  And  not  Cluny 
only,  for  the  general  poverty  of  the  kingdom  was  such  that  hunger  and  want 
oppressed  all  their  neighbours.  He  begged  for  help.  Epist.  Odilonis,  3 
Migne,  142. 

^  Ibid.  Once  when  going  to  St.  Denis  he  saw  the  bodies  of  two  boys  lying 
on  the  road  dead  from  starvation  and  cold.  He  dismounted  from  his  horse, 
found  gravediggers,  wrapped  the  bodies  in  his  own  woollen  coat,  and  said  the 
funeral  service  over  them.  If  St.  Martin  is  celebrated  throughout  the  world 
for  giving  half  his  cloak  to  a  beggar,  surely  Odilo  should  be  so  also  since  he 
gave  away  his  whole  coat,  and  that  not  to  a  living  man  but  to  two  dead  boys. 
Many  similar  stories  could  have  been  told  had  not  Jotsaldus'  poor  genius 
succumbed. 

^  Ibid.  i.  8,  EUganter  illudere  solitus  erat.  Ego  inquit  magis  volo  de  misericordia 
miserirorditer  iudicari  quam  de  crudelitate  crudeliter  damnari.  Jotsaldus  once 
saw  him  kiss  a  leper,  nobis  qui  videbamus  valde  mirantibus. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  205 

on  others  :  he  was  not  even  to  receive  the  sacraments.  Yet 
when  he  died  Odilo  in  his  pitiful  mercy  did  not  refuse  him  the 
viaticum.  His  humility  was  great.  It  was  nothing  to  him  to 
be  officially  received  with  honour  and  ceremony.  He  only 
accepted  the  obsequium  of  his  monks  because  he  could  not  refuse 
it  without  causing  scandal  to  many.  When  he  visited  Monte 
Cassino  his  humility  and  love  of  St.  Benedict  made  him  climb 
to  the  monastery  on  foot.^  In  the  chapter  he  asked  as  the 
greatest  of  favours  that  he  might  kiss  the  brothers'  feet.  Nor 
would  he  say  mass  nor  carry  the  pastoral  staff  on  St.  Benedict's 
Day,  considering  it  unfitting  for  any  one  to  do  so  except  the  abbot 
of  Monte  Cassino,  the  father  of  all  abbots.  On  leaving  he 
promised  to  send  the  brothers  a  relic  of  St.  Maur,  and  seven  years 
later  sent  the  whole  bone  of  the  arm,  which,  enclosed  in  a  silver 
shrine  and  crowned  by  a  tower,  beautifully  worked,  was  borne 
by  six  monks  from  Cluny. 

Fortitude  2 — a  mind  acting  without  fear,  bearing  adversity 
and  prosperity  with  courage,  and  afraid  of  nothing  except 
disgrace — was  his.  Even  his  holy  soul  endured  attacks  and  vile 
reproaches  from  near  and  far,  but  he  fearlessly  withstood  his 
enemies  and  patiently  bore  adversity.  He  was  tireless  in  work- 
ing for  the  peace  of  churches  and  the  welfare  of  his  neighbours, 
preserving  peace  for  others  even  at  peril  to  himself.  Since  he 
had  swum  to  felicity  it  may  be  told,  what  God  alone  knew,  that 
he  bound  his  limbs  with  chains  and  iron  bands,  causing  himself 
agony  almost  too  great  for  human  endurance,  and  under  his 
garments  wore  a  rough  hair  shirt. 

Temperance — preserving  the  mean  and  order  (modum.  et 
ordinem) — was  his  in  every  word  and  deed.  He  moderated  his 
fasts,  as  St.  Jerome  advised,  according  to  his  health.  He  ate 
and  drank  whatever  was  set  before  him,  enough  to  avoid  remark 
but  not  too  much  for  temperance.     His  dress  was  neither  too 

1  Bibl.  Clun.  p.  337. 

"  Vita  Jotsaldo,  i.  12,  O  qunntas  infestai lanes  et  quam  gravissimas  insecta- 
tiones  a  domesticis  et  extraneis  ipsa  sarictu  aJiima  sustiriuit. 


206  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

slovenly ,  nor  too  fashionable.  His  manner  was  grave,  but 
tempered  by  cheerfulness.  He  was  severe  when  necessary, 
but  gracious  in  granting  pardon,  preferring  rather  to  be  loved 
than  feared.  An  example  of  every  virtue  was  found  in  him. 
Whoever  heard  anything  displeasing  about  him  ?  Whoever 
if  he  heard  believed,  for  was  he  not  greater  than  malice  and 
scandal  ? 

Jotsaldus  is  careful  to  explain  that  he  did  not  himself 
witness  all  the  miracles  of  which  he  wrote.  Many  he  heard 
when  collecting  material  for  his  Vita.  He  had  sifted  his  material 
most  carefully,  only  retaining  what  was  vouched  for  by  true  and 
faithful  witnesses.  His  chief  authorities  were  Robert  prepositus 
and  Sirius,  abbot  of  St.  Maiolus',  Pavia,  who  quoted  largely  from 
notes  made  by  Boso,  a  monk  of  wonderful  simplicity  and  inno- 
cence. Robert  and  Sirius,  trustworthy  men,  intimate  friends 
and  confidants  of  Odilo,  for  long  had  been  companions  of  his  work 
and  troubles.  Whatever  they  told  about  him  was  worthy  of 
belief,  since  it  was  what  they  had  heard  with  their  ears,  seen 
with  their  eyes,  and  remembered  with  prudent  memory.^  The 
'  miracles  '  are  far  removed  from  the  charming  naivete  of  the 
stories  about  Odo.  A  point  that  is  striking  about  them  is  their 
materialism  :  many  being  instances  of  the  miraculous  increase 
of  food  and  wine.  The  simplicity  of  the  earlier  abbots  had 
vanished.  Odilo  travelled  with  many  attendants,  his  domestic 
belongings,  bed,  and  books  (p.  210).  Adulation  of  the  abbot 
has  become  fulsome  :  e.g.  it  might  be  said  of  Odilo  that  even 
God  obeyed  him  :  St.  Peter's  deed  paled  before  his  (p.  209).  A 
sinister  note  is  struck  in  the  story  of  the  madman  who  was  not 
healed  till  his  relatives  laid  a  gift  on  the  tomb  and  promised  to 
renew  it  annually  (p.  216).  The  '  miracles  '  do,  however,  give 
some  picture  of  the  daily  round  of  monastic  life. 

Jotsaldus'  style  is  involved  at  any  time,  and  quite  hopelessly 
so  when  he  tries  to  rise  to  the  occasion  ;  e.g. '  Odilo,  when  staying 

^  Ibid.  ii.  1,  Absit  enim  me  nisi  visa  et  experta,  et  a  fidelibus  personis  sive 
idoneis  testibus  relata,  de  tanto  viro  aliquid  mendaciter  fingere  vel  narrare. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  207 

at  St.  Denis,  ministered  the  food  of  life  and  drink  of  salvation 
with  eloquent  mouth.  Lent  was  almost  over,  the  day  of  the 
mystic  supper  and  the  saving  Passion  of  Christ  approached, 
when  the  triumphant  light  of  the  joyful  Resurrection  would 
illuminate  the  world  :  and  the  sterility  of  the  waters  yielded  no 
affluence  of  fish  !  The  divine  providence  was  to  ordain,  how- 
ever, that  at  this  new  festival  a  new  guest  of  the  waters  should 
be  sent  to  the  new  man  renewed  in  the  spirit.'  ^  The  story  con- 
tinues :  At  dawn  on  the  great  day  the  prepositus  called  the  most 
skilled  fishers,  lamented  the  scarcity  of  fish,  gave  them  many 
hints,  and  reminded  them  that  the  brothers  would  be  worn  out 
with  the  Easter  celebrations.  '  Go ',  he  said,  '  throw  your 
nets  in  the  Seine,  call  on  the  merits  of  Odilo,  invoke  the  name 
of  Christ,  and  I  believe  your  hope  will  not  be  in  vain.'  They 
went  and  caught  an  enormous  fish  (of  a  kind  scarcely  ever  seen 
there  before)  which  Christ  had  sent  direct  to  His  servant.  Odilo 
was  arnazed  and  called  the  boys  of  the  school  {infantes  scholae) 
to  come  and  see  it.  Laetantur  heroes  novitate  rei  peractae  mentis 
tanti  viri. 

Near  St.  Denis  was  the  little  monastery  of  St.  Martin, 
where  the  monks  of  St.  Denis  went  when  ill  or  for  rest.  Once 
when  Odilo  stayed  there  the  stewards  of  St.  Denis  sent  supplies 
for  him,  but  not  much  fish,  which  was  very  scarce.  Odilo  did  not 
have  much  rest,  for  as  usual  many  men  came  to  see  him,  among 
others  two  abbots  with  several  monks  whom  he  invited  to  dinner 
to  the  dismay  of  the  monks,  who  protested  that  there  was  very 
little  food.  But  when  the  guests  lay  at  table  a  wonderful  thing 
happened.  The  fish,  either  in  the  hands  of  those  serving,  or 
the  hands  of  those  eating,  began  to  increase.  All  partook 
abundantly,  nay  superabundantly,  and  much  remained  over  for 
the  servants  !  '  Boys,'  said  Odilo,  '  you  promised  little  and^ 
have  given  much.  See  that  you  keep  enough  for  yourselves.' 
To  this  they,  joyful  of  heart,  replied,  '  Lord,  enough  remains 
even   for  others  should  they  arrive.     Henceforth,   when  your 

^  Ibid.  ii.  8,  Ut  in  nova  festivitate^  novus  hospes  gurgitis,  novo  etiam  homini. 


208  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

holiness  asks  us  to  do  anything,  we  will  know  that  it  can  be 
done.'  ^ 

Odilo  loved  to  stay  at  St.  Mary's,  Aventine,  where  cool 
breezes  made  the  heat  of  summer  tolerable.^  Once  when  he 
was  ill  he  asked  the  abbot  at  refection  for  a  certain  wine.  There 
was  only  enough  for  one  left,  but  the  abbot,  who  loved  Odilo 
greatly,  with  cheerful  face  and  placid  mind  ordered  it  to  be 
served.  Odilo,  always  generous,  shared  it  with  the  abbot,  who 
lay  next  him.  The  monks  who  were  stronger  in  health  drank 
another  wine.  Odilo,  noticing  that  his  little  bottle  was  not 
empty,  said  blandly  to  the  brothers,  '  I  have  not  yet  shown  all 
my  love  to  you  ',  and  poured  the  wine  for  each  of  them  in  turn — 
about  twelve  altogether.  Then  happened  a  marvellous  thing 
(res  stupenda) — ^tlie  bottle  remained  partly  full !  The  monks 
marvelled  and  rejoiced,  but  Odilo  said,  '  Our  host  overflowing 
with  love  has  caused  the  wine  to  abound  even  in  this  little 
bottle ',  i.e.  his  humility  attributing  to  the  grace  of  another  the 
deed  divinely  accomplished  by  himself. 

A  similar  miracle  occurred  at  the  ecclesia  of  Toulon.^  No 
one  in  future  ages— for  what  is  written  endureth — can  doubt  its 
truth,  for  it  was  told  by  Abrald,  one  of  Odilo's  monks,  a  true 
and  faithful  witness.  Odilo  arrived  unexpectedly,  was  wel- 
comed with  joy,  embraced  and  kissed  but  a  little  chided — 
though  humbly  and  submissively — for  not  having  given  notice 
of  his  coming.  Supplies  were  low  and  Alrald  sent  far  and  near 
to  beg  for  necessaries.  Odilo  with  his  usual  suavity  said  that 
he  expected  no  sumptuous  preparations.  The  vine  season  had 
been  bad  that  year,  so  that  only  the  rich  could  afford  wine,  and 
the  considerate  father,  not  wishing  to  burden  the  monk,  offered 

to  buy  wine — '  which  was  not  to  be  thought  in  what  was  his 

• 

1  Ibid.  ii.  8. 

^  Ibid.  ii.  9,  Qui  prae  ceteris  illius  vrhis  montibus  aedes  decoras  hahens, 
et  suae  positionis  culmen  in  altum  tollens,  aestivos  fervores  aurarum,  algore 
tolerabilis  reddit. 

3  Ibid.  ii.  23.  Subject  to  Paray,  cf.  ibid.  3.  Paray,  a  monastery  famous 
for  the  bpliness  o|  j[t§  jnonks  and  belonging  to  Cluny. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  209 

own  house  '  !  At  dinner  '  sufficiency  and  even  abundance  of 
food  was  served,  though  not  beyond  what  their  discreet  order 
allowed  '.  The  wine  was  brought  in  a  small  and  almost  empty 
bottle  :  the  monks  were  to  drink  twice,  the  others  once,  but  this 
measure  was  exceeded  and  all  drank  largely  !  When  Odilo  left, 
the  dispensator  found  the  bottle  still  full.  In  amazement  he 
looked  again,  but  there  was  no  mistake.  He  told  Alrald,  who 
thought  him  mad,  till  the  testimony  of  his  own  eyes  convinced 
him,  and  he  could  only  exclaim,  '  Mirabilis  Deus  in  Sanctis  suis.^ 

A  miracle  one  Ash  Wednesday  ^  at  Paray  reminded  Jotsaldus 
of  the  feast  at  Cana  of  Galilee.  At  nine,  when  the  brothers  left 
their  reading  to  have  a  little  food,  Odilo  secretly  took  a  handful 
of  ashes,  which  he  ate,  and  signed  for  a  drink  of  water.  When 
he  put  the  cup  to  his  lips  the  odour  of  wine  arose.  He  put  it 
aside  and  signed  for  water  again.  The  brother  protested  by 
signs  that  he  had  brought  water,  emptied  the  cup,  and  refilled 
it.  Again,  when  Odilo  raised  it  to  his  lips,  the  odour  of  wine 
arose.  Recognising  in  this  the  grace  of  God,  he  took  with 
humility  what  was  sent. 

On  yet  another  occasion  Odilo  was  miraculously  provided 
with  wine.  Descending  the  Juras  he  met  a  group  of  poor  men 
who  begged  from  him.  He  ordered  the  skins  of  wine  to  be 
emptied  for  them.  Yet  not  long  after,  when  he  and  his  monks 
sat  down  to  eat,  the  skins  were  found  to  be  full  of  excellent 
wine.     All  were  amazed  and  gave  thanks. 2 

Twice  by  a  miracle  Odilo  crossed  a  river  on  foot.  Once 
when  hastening  to  Pavia,  he  found  no  boat  at  the  Ticino.  He 
ordered  one  of  his  servants  to  walk  across,  and  followed  him- 
self. The  others  came  after,  and,  without  the  help  of  rowers, 
arrived  unhurt !  Nothing  could  be  more  worthy  of  praise  : 
St.  Peter  once  walked  on  the  sea,  but  Odilo  crossed  the  waves ! 
Some  horsemen  who  had  seen  the  miracle,  rashly  concluded  that 
it  was  ebb  tide,  and  spurred  their  horses  into  the  water.     They 

^  Ibid.  ii.  3,  In  quo  et  cineris  super  capita  inipositio  suscipitur  et  arduae 
inceptio  abstinentiae  a  fidelibiis  inchoatur.  -  Ibid.  ii.  11. 

P 


210  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

were  submerged.^  A  man  who  had  watched  all  with  awe  fell 
at  Odilo's  feet  and  begged  him  to  visit  his  house.  In  the  night 
a  terrific  wind  blew  out  the  lantern  and  awakened  the  chamber- 
lain. Terrified  at  the  darkness  he  prayed,  '  Oh,  divine  light 
that  illumines  the  world,  hear  me  unworthy  as  I  am,  and  for 
the  sake  of  Thy  Odilo  take  from  this  house  the  horror  of  dark- 
ness.' Immediately  a  light  appeared  from  the  air,  and  filled 
him  with  joy  and  the  house  with  brightness. 

On  the  second  occasion  Odilo  was  travelling  from  the  '  de- 
lectable monastery',  Peterlingen,  by  the  mountains  to  Cluny. 
He  stayed  all  night  at  Lions-le-Saunier,^  so  as  to  start  at  dawn. 
'  The  sky  was  dark,  the  rain  poured  down,  but  could  not  turn 
the  strong  minds  of  the  men  of  God  from  their  journey.'  After 
plodding  on  all  day  they  came  to  a  river  so  swollen  with  rain 
as  to  seem  impassable.  Odilo  sent  a  servant  to  try.  He  crossed 
safely  and  came  back  for  the  others.  As  they  passed  through  the 
vast  flood,  the  water  which  came  up  to  their  thighs  never  rose 
beyond  the  holy  man's  shoes.  Wet  and  miserable  they  reached 
St.  Marcel's,  Chalon,  at  midnight.  Seated  round  a  huge  fire  they 
warmed  themselves  and  changed  their  garments  while  the  gentle 
father,  knowing  what  they  had  come  through,  soothed  their 
afiiicted  breasts  with  improvised  verses.^ 

At  another  time  when  coming  from  a  monastery  at  Mantua 
which  he  had  been  asked  to  reform,  his  luggage  was  saved  by  a 
miracle.  When  crossing  a  river,  the  mule  that  carried  his  bed 
and  his  books  got  out  of  its  depth.  It  managed  to  reach  the 
bank,  but  when  one  of  the  servants  tried  to  catch  its  head  it 
swerved  and  swam  to  the  opposite  bank.     A  magnanimous  hero 

^  Ibid.  ii.  6.  Every  gift  cometh  from  God,  as  they  learnt  to  their  cost.  If 
this  story  seems  incredible,  let  faithful  men  and  Christian  brothers  remember 
the  marvellous  power  of  the  Creator  who  wished  to  glorify  Odilo  that  the  light 
of  his  merits  should  be  diffused  throughout  the  world.  ^  Ibid.  ii.  7. 

^  Ibid.  0  quondam  fortes  per  multa  pericula  fratres  ! 

Ne  vestra  vestris  frangatis  pectora  rebus ; 
Per  varies  casus  per  tot  discritnina  rerum 
Tendimus  ad  regnum  coeli  sedesque  beatas  ; 
Durate,  et  haec  olim  meminisse  iuvabit. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  211 

advancing  over  the  plain  watched  what  was  happening,  made  no 
mortal  sound,  lifted  the  cap  which  covered  his  white  hair,  and 
was  proceeding  on  his  way,  when  Master  Peter  (the  most  agitated 
of  all,  for  he  was  responsible  for  Odilo's  luggage)  shouted  to  him 
to  catch  the  mule.  He  immediately  dragged  the  animal  from 
the  water.  Quickly  unloaded,  not  a  trace  of  damp  on  the  bed, 
books,  or  luggage  could  be  found.  When  Odilo  was  told,  he  was 
sceptical  that  anything  immersed  in  water  should  not  be  wet ; 
yet  at  night  he  found  it  was  so.  '  Beloved,'  he  said,  '  how 
wonderful  is  the  goodness  of  God.  He  has  kept  untouched  what 
we  could  not  have  restored  (i.e.  the  luggage),  while  what  could 
be  touched  without  harm  (i.e.  the  mule)  He  allowed  to  get  wet.' 
Indifferent  to  the  praise  of  men,  he  ascribed  nothing  to  his  own 
merits  but  all  to  God  who  worked  in  him.^ 

Another  time,  when  travelling  in  the  Juras,  a  heavily-laden  pack 
horse  fell  from  a  height  on  to  jagged  rocks  in  the  valley  beneath. 
The  servants  descended  and  found  most  of  theduggage,  but  not 
a  book  of  the  sacraments  written  in  letters  of  gold  nor  some 
crystal  vases  of  rare  make.  Odilo  stayed  the  night  at  the  cella 
St.  Eugenius,  and  in  the  morning  sent  searchers  to  look  for  the 
book  and  vases.  There  had  been  a  heavy  fall  of  snow,  so  nothing 
was  found.  '  Then  for  two  months  snow  covered  the  hills,  and 
harsh  winter  denuded  the  face  of  the  mountains.'  The  loss 
was  almost  forgotten,  when  one  day  a  priest  found  the  book 
untouched  by  the  mist  and  the  snow,  and  the  vases  unbroken. 2 

Thieves  were  powerless  before  the  merits  of  Odilo,  as  two 
stories  show.  When  Henry  II.  went  to  Rome  for  his  coronation, 
Odilo  accompanied  him  and  spent  Christmas  with  him  at  Pavia. 
The  table  where  he  had  his  meals  was  covered  by  a  beautifully 
embroidered  cloth,  which  one  day  was  stolen.  When  the  theft 
was  discovered  the  servants  murmured,  but  the  generous  father 
merely  told  them  to  bring  another  cloth,  '  and  silence  covered 
the  deed  '.  After  the  royal  party  left,  the  thief  three  times  took 
the  cloth  to  market,  and  vainly  tried  to  sell  it.     The  third  time 

1  Ibid.  ii.  16.  -  Ibid.  ii.  18. 

p2 


212  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

a  flush  of  shame  covered  his  brow.  Nor  was  the  divine  justice 
slow  to  avenge  him.  Suddenly  his  hands  and  feet  dried  up  ! 
He  was  carried  to  the  church  of  St.  Maiolus,  laid  on  the  floor, 
and  covered  with  the  cloth.  Crowds  filled  the  church,  marvelling 
at  the  merits  of  Maiolus  and  Odilo.^  At  last  the  sinner  re- 
covered, and  glorifying  God  returned  home.  Another  time  in 
Pavia  Odilo's  horse  was  stolen.  Knowing  it  would  be  suspect 
in  Pavia,  the  thief  took  it  to  Lodi,  but  no  one  would  buy  it, 
'God  having  turned  the  hearts  of  all  against 'the  purchase'. 
Struck  with  contrition,  the  sinner  returned  the  horse.  Wishing 
to  return  good  for  evil,  Odilo  would  not  let  him  be  punished.^ 

The  '  miracle  '  of  the  broken  vase,  told  at  great  length, 
evidently  impressed  Jotsaldus  very  much — why,  it  would  be 
difficult  to  say.  He  reaches  the  story  in  a  more  roundabout 
way  even  than  usual.  To  make  sure  of  the  details  he  had 
questioned  bishop  R-ichard,^  who  asked  him  if  he  remembered 
the  quarrel  between  the  bishop  of  Comensis  and  Odilo's  nephew 
over  the  monastery  of  Bremen.  Meeting  the  bishop  at  the  time, 
Richard  asked  how  he  could  have  acted  so  unjustly,  knowing  as 
he  did  that  the  emperor  Conrad  had  put  Bremen  under  Odilo, 
whose  merits  had  so  often  shone  forth,  as  for  example  in  the 
case  of  the  broken  vase.  The  bishop  of  Comensis  not  only  knew 
of  the  incident  of  which  he  had  been  a  witness,  but  many  fresh 
details,  to  which  Richard  eagerly  listened  and  diligently  stored 
up  in  his  mind.  This  was  the  story.  Once  at  court  the  emperor 
Henry  ordered  two  young  clerks  (one  of  whom  was  the  bishop, 
and  the  other  Landulf,  afterwards  bishop  of  Tours)  to  place  on 
Odilo's  table  a  very  precious  vase  of  Alexandrine  work.  They 
obeyed  the  Caesar's  command,  humbly  inclining  themselves  before 
the  abbot.  The  monks — human  nature  being  always  curious 
over  anything  new  and  rare — wishing  to  inspect  it  more  closely 
passed  it  from  hand  to  hand,  when  it  fell  to  the  ground  and  was 

1  Ibid.  ii.  4.  •'  Ibid.  ii.  5. 

^  Ibid.  ii.  12.  Formerly  a  Cluniac  monk  and  one  of  Odilo's  greatest 
friends.  Patris  Odilonis  nutrito  et  monacho  .  .  .  sibi  valde  familiarissimus  suorum 
secretorum  conscius  itinerisque  vel  lahoris  socius. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  213 

broken.  '  Brothers,'  said  Odilo  in  great  distress,  '  you  have 
not  done  well,  for  by  your  carelessness  those  young  clerks  to 
whom  the  vase  was  entrusted  may  lose  the  imperial  favour. 
Let  us  hasten  to  church  and  pray  that  the  loss  be  not  visited  on 
the  guiltless.'  When  they  returned,  not  a  crack  nor  a  mark 
could  be  seen  on  the  vase,  and  Odilo  indignantly  said  :  '  What 
was  the  matter  with  you,  oh  brothers  ?  Surely  a  mist  obscured 
your  sight.' 

They  dared  not  tell  him  it  was  a  miracle,  but  the  emperor 
was  told  sub  silentio.  The  latter,  who  loved  Odilo  beyond 
measure  and  humbly  adhered  to  his  counsels,  was  filled  with 
wonder  and  great  jubilation,  and  held  him  more  and  more  worthy 
of  veneration.^  Not  only  bishop  Richard  but  many  others 
assured  Jotsaldus  of  the  truth  of  this  story. 

Other  miracles  tell  of  deeds  of  healing.  At  Besorniacum  he 
noticed  the  son  of  one  of  his  serfs,  a  child  beautiful  ^  but  blind. 
He  prayed  silently,  signed  the  boy's  eyes  with^  the  sign  of  the 
cross,  and  sent  him  home  healed.  Nor  was  this  incredible  :  did 
not  Christ  say,  '  He  who  believeth  in  Me,  shall  do  My  works '  ? 
At  Peterlingen  he  healed  a  little  boy-monk  (puerulus  monachus) 
who  had  a  disease  of  the  throat,  very  common  in  those  parts. 
A  tumour  began  to  grow,  and  the  child  could  scarcely  speak. 
Odilo  touched  the  sore,  signed  it  with  the  sign  of  the  cross,  and 
from  that  moment  the  tumour  began  to  decrease,  just  as  before 
it  had  increased.  It  finally  disappeared,  and  the  boy  was  well 
when  Jotsaldus  wrote.^ 

At  the  monastery  at  Nantua  he  noticed  a  little  boy-monk 
who  suffered  from  a  horrible  disease,  had  lost  the  use  of  his 
limbs,  his  voice,  his  memory,  and  was  almost  dead.  Odilo 
prayed,  and  gave  him  holy  water  from  the  chalice  of  St.  Maiolus. 
Immediately  he  recovered.* 

The  senior  of  the  Albigensians  was  lying  under  a  tree  when  a 

^  Ibid.  ii.  12,  Supra  modum  eum  diligebat,  illiusque  consiliis  humiliter 
adfiaerebat. 

-  Ibid.  ii.  2,  Puerum  cuius  faciei  effiyiem  pulchra  manus  superni  opificL'i 
decoram  effecerat.  '  Ibid.  ii.  15.  *  Ibid.  ii.  17. 


214  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

particle 'of  bark  fell  into  his  eye.  He  could  not  get  the  bark 
out,  use  his  eye,  eat  nor  sleep.  He  came  to  Odilo,  who  was  travel- 
ling through  that  district.  The  abbot  signed  the  eye  with  the 
sign  of  the  cross  and  said  mass.  He  fell  asleep,  and  on  waking 
the  bark  had  gone,  and  he  could  enjoy  his  food  !  Ever  after  he 
held  Odilo  in  great  veneration.^  Another  time  when  returning 
from  Rome  he  met  at  Lucques  a  canon  of  St.  Martin's,  Tours, 
who  suffered  from  a  growth  in  his  arm,  which  seemed  likely  to 
prove  fatal.  Odilo  cured  him,  but  would  not  let  him  tell  any 
one.  For  he  feared  publicity  as  deadly  poison,  and  praise  as  a 
pestilential  evil.^  Jotsaldus  himself  witnessed  the  healing  of  a 
madman  at  Nantua,  who  when  he  escaped  his  keepers  wandered 
naked  and  miserable,  emitting  strange  sounds,  and  living  without 
food,  as  his  kind  do.  Odilo  and  his  monks  prostrated  them- 
selves before  St.  Peter's  altar,  then  he  sprinkled  the  madman 
with  holy  water  and  made  him  drink.  When  he  left  for  Cluny, 
the  young  man  followed  him,  '  not  mad  but  sane,  not  bound 
but  free,  not  compelled  by  others  but  of  his  own  free  will  '.  At 
Cluny  he  made  an  offering  of  fish,  a  gift  of  love,  and  returned 
home.  Next  year  he  revisited  Cluny,  and  not  finding  Odilo 
there,  went  on  to  Souvigny,  arriving  the  day  of  his  death.  The 
thanks  he  was  unable  to  give  to  the  living  he  gave  to  the  dead.^ 
The  nephew  of  the  abbot  of  Ebreuil,  a  strenuous  miles,  for  long 
deaf  and  dumb,  learnt  in  a  vision  that  if  he  drank  water  in 
which  Odilo  had  washed  his  hands  he  would  be  healed.  He 
came  to  Souvigny,  received  the  water,  mixed  it  with  water  from 
the  chalice  of  St.  Maiolus,  changed  his  garments,  entered  the 
church,  fell  in  prayer,  drank  the  water^  and  was  healed."* 

Odilo  worked  many  other  miracles,  but  in  secret,  so  that 
the  people  never  knew  of  them.  In  fever  cases  he  always  used 
St.  Maiolus'  chalice,  and  then  attributed  the  merit  to  that  saint. 
Yet  there  was  no  doubt  that  he,  the  disciple,  co-operated  in  his 
master's  work.^ 

1  Ibid.  ii.  19.  ^  ibid.  ii.  20.  ^  jbid.  ii.  21. 

*  Ibid.  ii.  22.  '  Ibid.  ii.  23. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  215 

In  the  third  book  of  the  Vita,  Jotsaldus  tells  a  few  out  of 
the  many  miracles  worked  after  Odilo's  death.  All  of  them  he 
had  learnt  on  excellent  authority. 

The  first  is  quaintly  told.  Four  miles  from  Souvigny  a  poor 
woman  lived  with  a  daughter,  insane,  deaf  and  dumb.  Three 
times  when  she  was  asleep,  a  beautiful  and  pleasant  person  told  her 
to  take  her  daughter  to  Odilo's  tomb,  and  see  what  would  happen. 
She  did  so.  Passing  through  a  wood  near  Souvigny  the  daughter 
suddenly  spoke  :  '  Mother,  mother,  I  hear  a  great  sound  of  bells  ', 
i.e.  the  bells  of  the  monastery.  Next  she  cried,  '  I  hear  the 
lowing  of  oxen,  and  the  bells  round  their  necks '.  At  the 
tomb  the  mother  gave  what  thank-offering  she  could,  and  re- 
turned with  her  daughter  healed.^  From  the  vast  Alps  in  the 
interior  of  Aquitaine  two  young  men  came  to  the  tomb,  one 
deaf  and  dumb,  the  other  leading  him.  At  the  tomb  the  latter 
took  some  of  the  water  in  which  Odilo's  corpse  had  been 
washed,  poured  it  in  the  deaf  man's  ears,  and  some  in  his 
mouth.  Next  day  the  afflicted  man  laid  a  gift  on  the  tomb,  for 
he  could  speak  and  hear. 2  Another  man,  dumb  for  seven  years, 
regained  the  power  of  speech  at  the  tomb,  and  joyfully  told  all 
and  sundry.  Several  persons,  out  of  curiosity,  sent  to  make 
inquiries.     Jotsaldus  heard  the  story  from  the  latter.^ 

A  priest  who  was  dumb  went  to  Odilo's  tomb  and  humbly 
prostrated  himself,  praying  to  regain  his  speech.  When  no 
answer  came  he  sadly  returned  home,  whereupon  he  spoke. 
Solomon,  a  rich  merchant,  and  several  others  witnessed  to  the 
truth  of  this."*  A  blind  old  man  was  led  to  the  tomb  by  a  boy, 
and  before  reaching  the  crypt  saw.  Swiftly  preceding  his  leader 
he  ran  to  give  thanks.^  A  blind  woman  w^as  also  led  there. 
For  long  she  remained  in  prayer,  but  as  no  sign  was  vouchsafed 
her,  asked  the  saint's  permission  to  depart.  '  As  she  spoke, 
sighing  profoundly  from  the  depths  of  her  sad  heart,  her  eyes 
long  evilly  closed  were  opened,  the  hoped-for  light  returned, 
and  she  went  home  guided  by  the  light  of  her  own,  not  others', 
1  Ibid.  iii.  1.       -  Ibid.  iii.  2.      =^  Ibid.  ill.  3.       «  Ibid.  iii.  5.        ^  Ibid.  iii.  G. 


216  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

eyes  '  !  ^  *  A  blind  old  man  from  Tours  was  led  by  his  daughter  to 
the  tomb,  and  given  water  with  which  the  corpse  had  been  washed. 
He  arrived  at  night,  and  being  poor  could  find  no  inn  nor  food. 
He  therefore  spent  the  night  hungry  and  without  shelter.  In  the 
morning  he  returned  to  the  tomb,  when  he  received  his  sight. 
Hastening  into  the  church,  which  was  crowded  with  men,  clerks, 
and  priests  celebrating  mass,  with  loud  voice  he  gave  thanks  to 
God.     Hearing  him,  all  flocked  round  him  and  glorified  God.^ 

A  merchant  of  Souvigny  who  had  long  been  ill,  lost  his  memory 
and  his  reason.  His  brothers  and  relatives  brought  him  to 
Odilo's  tomb  and  tried  in  vain  to  make  him  sign  himself  with 
the  sign  of  the  cross.  They  then  laid  a  gift  on  the  tomb  and 
promised  to  pay  a  certain  sum  annually  if  the  sufferer  was 
healed.  Immediately  he  regained  health  and  sanity.^  A  peasant 
(ruricola)  belonging  to  the  monastery  of  St.  Maiolus  went  mad. 
Fighting  with  all  his  strength  he  was  dragged  by  his  son  and 
relatives  to  Odilo's  tomb  where  they  offered  a  gift.  He  re- 
covered. A  peasant  of  Autun  who  was  paralysed,  heard  of  the 
virtue  of  the  saint.  Seated  in  a  cart,  he  was  drawn  to  Souvigny 
by  his  wife  and  brothers,  and  bathed  his  limbs  with  the  water 
of  which  he  had  heard  so  much.  Gradually  the  pain  left,  and  in 
a  few  days,  not  seated  in  the  cart,  but  firm  on  his  own  feet,  he 
went  to  the  tomb  to  give  thanks,  and  having  given  to  all  proof  of 
his  cure,  returned  home.^  A  young  clerk  of  Flanders  who  suffered 
from  dropsy,  could  eat  and  drink  only  with  great  pain :  '  His 
stomach  swelled  so  much  that  his  skin  was  extended  beyond 
measure,  and  seemed  likely  to  burst.'  He  could  scarcely  walk, 
and  yet  to  stand  or  sit  was  dangerous.  He  longed  for  death, 
as  preferable  to  so  wretched  a  life.  At  last  he  dragged  himself 
to  Odilo's  tomb,  with  feeble  voice  told  how  far  he  had  come,  and 
with  tears  begged  his  help.  There  was  no  delay.  '  A  stream  of 
clotted  blood  burst  from  his  mouth  ',  and  rising  from  his  knees  he 

1  Ibid.  iii.  7.  -  Ibid.  iii.  8. 

'  Ibid.  iii.  9,  Hoc  itaque  pacto  quern  adduxerant  amentem  et  insanum  .  .  . 
ex  integro  sanum  ad  domum  reducunt.  ^  Ibid.  iii.  10. 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  217 

declared  himself  healed.  Gathering  up  his  voluminous  garment, 
which  (as  his  unnatural  size  was  reduced)  hung  limp  around  him, 
he  showed  the  onlookers  how  far  his  skin  had  extended.^  An  old 
man  of  the  people  was  likewise  healed  of  the  same  disease. ^ 

A  captive  though  bound  and  imprisoned  in  a  cave  which 
was  barred  and  closed  by  a  heap  of  stones,  yet  never  lost  faith, 
and  in  the  dark  depth  begged  Odilo  to  intercede  for  him.  One 
day  he  heard  some  one  approach  and  bid  him  come  forth.  His 
chains  fell  off,  the  bars  burst  asunder,  the  stones  flew  hither 
and  thither,  and  he  emerged  from  darkness  to  light.  Rejoicing 
he  gave  thanks  at  Odilo's  tomb.^ 

A  girl  paralysed  for  many  years  was  told  in  sleep  to  go  to 
Souvigny.  Carried  to  the  tomb,  she  there  found  she  could  walk. 
She  started  home,  but  on  reaching  the  outskirts  of  the  vill  could 
go  no  farther.  Carried  back  to  the  tomb,  her  strength  returned, 
and  never  again  did  she  go  beyond  the  vill.*  A  merchant's 
daughter  in  Souvigny  suffered  from  the  same  weakness.  Carried 
to  the  tomb,  first  she  stood,  then  gradually  she  walked,  and  as 
long  as  she  remained  there  could  stand  and  walk  quite  well.^ 
Another  girl  was  healed  in  the  same  way.  These  three  miracles 
took  place  on  Sts.  Peter  and  Paul's  day,  when  the  church  was 
crowded.  Great  was  the  amazement.  Monks  and  clerks  sang 
psalms  in  jubilation.  Men  and  women  raised  their  voices  in 
thanksgiving  at  miracles  of  '  such  stupendous  novelty '.  All 
told  how  wonderful  Christ  was  in  His  saints,  and  what  grace, 
thus  verified  by  signs  and  wonders,  must  abound  in  his  most 
faithful  servant  ^  Odilo. 

With  the  death  of  Odilo  the  first  phase  of  Cluniac  activity  came 
to  an  end.  The  work  of  reform  had  been  carried  through,  and 
Cluny  stood  pre-eminent  as  the  first  reforming  house  of  the  age. 

In  those  early  years  the  essential  sanity  of  the  Cluniac  move- 
ment is  very  attractive.  For  that  sanity  much  must  be  attri- 
buted to  the  character  of  her  first  abbots.     The  note  is  struck 

1  Ibid.  iii.  11.  -  Ibid.  iii.  12.  '  Ibid.  iii.  17. 

^   Ibid.  iii.  13.  *  Ibid.  iii.  14.  «  Ibid.  iii.  15. 


218  THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 

when  OdOj  '  a  learned  man  with  his  hundred  books ',  stood  at 
the  gate  of  Baume,  so  repelled  by  the  tale  of  Berno's  harshness 
that  he  was  ready  to  flee.  For  it  was  no  intolerant  fanatical 
life  that  he  sought,  but  a  community  where,  with  men  like-minded 
to  himself,  he  might  develop  his  love  of  religion,  holiness,  peace, 
learning,  literature,  architecture,  and  art.  There  is  a  human 
touch  in  his  distress  at  the  thought  of  his  father  and  mother, 
enmeshed  in  the  snares  of  the  world.  There  is  charm  in  the 
humane  nature  that  could  advise  the  unbalanced  young  zealot, 
worn  out  with  self-inflicted  penances,  either  to  learn  or  teach  ; 
in  the  mystic  temperament  of  Maiolus  to  whom  nevertheless 
the  mean  in  all  things  was  praiseworthy  ;  in  the  characteristic 
readiness  of  Odilo  to  risk  censure  for  judging  others  mercifully. 
Cluny,  essentially  Western,  stood  for  moderation. 

In  an  age  of  coarse  materialism  Cluny  sought  to  recall  to 
men  that  interest  in  spiritual  and  mental  things  that  seemed  to 
have  been  lost.  To  attain  her  end,  she  took  every  means  that 
lay  to  her  hand.  In  her  reform  she  accepted  help  from  whatever 
source  it  came.  Founded  by  a  secular  prince,  and  in  her  develop- 
ment owing  much  to  emperors,  kings,  and  nobles,  from  her 
foundation  she  was  in  close  relation  to  the  temporal  power. 
Autonomous,  from  her  origin  she  looked  beyond  the  bishop  to 
Rome,  and  by  so  doing,  as  her  influence  grew,  enormously 
strengthened  the  power  and  prestige  of  the  papacy. 

In  that  she  acted  unconsciously,  for  so  intensely  self-engrossed 
was  the  life  of  the  Cluniac  community  that  her  sons  seldom 
looked  beyond  their  monastic  walls.  Very  rarely  do  the  bio- 
graphers of  the  early  abbots  spare  a  thought  for  the  outside 
world.  If  they  mention  their  abbots'  participation  in  an  his- 
torical event,  it  is  not  because  the  outside  connection  interests 
them,  but  that  the  outside  world's  connection  with  them  serves 
to  glorify  their  monastery. 

True  to  monastic  tradition,  they  looked  on  monasticism  as  a 
higher  calling  than  that  of  the  secular  church,  the  monk  as  alone 
fulfilling  literally  the  words  of  the  Gospel.     They  reaped  their 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY  219 

reward,  in  that  Cluny  was  regarded  as  the  great  intercessory 
house  far  excellence,  by  the  prayers  of  whose  sons  the  souls 
of  the  damned  went  free,  to  the  intercessory  merits  of  whose 
abbot  even  a  pope  owed  his  escape  from  purgatory. 

But  for  the  larger  issues  of  Cluniac  history  one  has  to  look 
beyond  the  Cluniac  chroniclers.  It  is  from  other  sources  that 
one  learns  what  enormous  power  lay  in  the  hands  of  the  abbots. 
Under  Odilo's  successor  Hugh  that  power  reached  its  culmination. 
In  Hugh's  sixty  years  of  office  the  Cluniac  congregation  was 
built  up,  the  Cluniac  power  consolidated.  Cluniac  houses  were 
to  be  found  in  France,  Germany,  Italy,  Spain,  England,  even 
in  Jerusalem.  In  those  subject  houses  the  will  of  Hugh  was 
supreme  :  to  him  alone  Cluniac  abbots  and  priors  were  subject : 
from  those  houses  revenue  flowed  to  Cluny,  and  from  Cluny 
emanated  the  policy  that  directed  them.  Hugh  was  head  of 
a  vast  institution,  of  an  international  system.  He  lived  through 
the  stormiest  period  of  the  struggle  between  empire  and  papacy. 
In  those  years  of  stress,  true  to  Cluniac  tradition,  his  influence 
seems  to  have  made  for  moderation.  He  never  wholly  broke 
off  relations  with  Henry  IV.,  who  clung  to  him  '  as  his  only 
refuge,  his  one  consolation  in  his  misery  '.^  At  Canossa,  Hugh 
may  have  acted  as  intermediary  between  pope  and  emperor. 

Under  Urban  II.,  former  monk  and  prior  of  Cluny,  Hugh's 
influence  and  that  of  his  monastery  reached  its  highest  point. 
Further  privileges  were  showered  on  the  abbey,  honours  heaped 
on  the  abbot.  To  Cluny  again  and  again  Urban's  longing  for 
his  former  master's  presence  went  forth.  To  Hugh,  '  as  Christ 
on  the  Cross  committed  his  mother  to  the  beloved  John,  so 
Urban  committed  the  church  '.^  And  at  the  apogee  of  Cluny 's 
splendour,  when  the  altars  of  her  great  church — one  of  the  glories 
of  Europe— were  consecrated  by  the  pope  himself.  Urban  called 
to  his  former  brothers  and  comrades,  '  Vos  estis  lux  mundi '. 

1  Migne.  159,  p.  937.  -  Seues  Archir,  vii.  p.  164. 


INDEX 


Aachen,  4,  6,  7,  116 
Abbo,  father  of  Odo,  17-19 
Abbo  of  Fleury,  45,  166,  187 
Abbot,  election,  2,  4,  7,  8,    11,  42, 

48,  52,  59,  92,  109,  162,  163,  201  ; 

power,  2,  28 
Abstinence  from  meat,  3,  30, 31,41,63 
Acfredus,  91 
Adacius,  58,  60 
Adalbero,  archbishop  of  Rheims,  110, 

111 
Adalbero,  bishop  of  Metz,  65,  66 
Adalbero's  satire,  165-169 
Adelheid  of  Burgundy,  57,  105-108, 

115,  116,  151,  185,  203 
Ademar,  95 
Adhegrinus,  25-27 
Aethicens,  14 
Agapitus,  92 
Agde,  council,  48 
Agildrude,  185 
Aimo,  58,  75 

.Aimo,  bishop  of  Bourges,  178 
Alberic,  count,  126,  128 
Alberic  of  Rome,  61-64,  68,  69 
Alcuin,  5 
Alda,  69 
Alduin,  172 
Alfracta,  15,  16,  37 
All  Souls'  Day,  182-184 
Amadeus  I.  of  Savoy,  189 
Amberieu,  52,  54,  69 
Amiens,  173,  175 
Ammonius,  22 
Angelus,  78 
Aniane.     See  Benedict 
Ansa,  synod,  146,  158,  162,  165 
Antony,  rule,  3 
Antony  of  Lyons,  101 
Archiuibald,  abbot,  44,  45,  58 
Archimbald  of  Macon,  196,  197 
Arenberga,  18 


Aribert,  66 

Arnulf,  abbot  of  Aurillac,  58-60 

Arnulf,  bishop  of  Ai)t,  123 

Augustine  of  Canterbury,  4 

Augustine  of  Hippo,  33 

Aurelian,  rule,  3 

Aurillac,  38,  58-60,  71,  75,  109 

Autonomy,  monastic,  14,  37,  58,  93, 

155-162 
Autun,   bishop,    122,    146,    154,    157, 

162,    181,    189,    193;    monasteries: 

St.  John's,  143;  St.  Martin's,  9-11. 

See  also  Hugh,  Walter 
Ava  of  Aquitaine,  12,  95 
Avignon,  100,  114,  157 
Aymar  of  Valence,  191 
Aymardus,  54,  88-105,  115,  140 

Badillo,  9 

Baldwin,  61,  62,  76,  78 

Basil,  rule,  3 

Baume,  8-14,  26-31,  33-36,  68,  71 

Beaune,  175 

Belmont,  153 

Benedict  of  Aniane  (saint),  5-8,  27- 
29,  56 

Benedict  of  Nursia  (saint),  2-7,  9,  21, 
24,  28,  31,  35,  39-44,  57,  71,  75, 
79,  81,  102,  104,  145,  155,  164,  205 

Benedict  VI.,  183,  184 

Benedict  VIII.,  150,  151,  157,  158, 
174,  203 

Benedict,  bishop  of  Avignon,  180 

Benedictine  rule,  4,  6,  7,  13,  42,  44, 
191.  See  also  Abbot,  Abstinence 
from  meat.  Clothing,  Manual  labour. 
Obedience,  Opus  Dei,  Private  pro- 
pert}'.  Silence,  Sleep,  Stability 

Benevento,  63 

Berald,  143,  145 

Bernard,  194 

Bernard,  brother  of  Odo,  32 


221 


222 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 


Bernard  of  Cahors,  190 

Bernard  of  Perigueux,  60 

Berno,  abbot  of  Baume,   10-17,   26- 

34,  37,  38,  71-74,  127 
Berno,  bishop  of  Macon,  48,  50-53,  92 
Bertha  of  Burgundy,  115 
Besan9on,  33,  102,  114,  157,  189,  190, 

193 
Bevais,  186 
Blanuscus,  50 
Blismodis,  143 
Bobbio,  109 
Boethius,  73 
Boniface,  4 
Boso,  206 

Boso  of  Provence,  91 
Bourges,  42,  176,  178 
Bouxieres,  44 
Bremen,  152,  212 
Brioude,  St.  JuHan's,  144,  145 
Bruno,  bishop  of  Langres,  118,  119 
Bulon,  51 
Burchard,  archbishop  of  Lyons,  97, 

122,  157,  159,  160,  163,  185 
Burchard,  archbishop  of  Vienne,  158- 

160 
Burchard,  count,  119,  120,  141 

Caesafius  of  Aries,  3,  4 

Cahors,  190 

Capua,  62 

Carennac,  church,  St.  Sermin's,  190 

Carus  Locus,  49,  93,  94,  115,  147 

Cassian,  rule,  3 

Chalcedon,  council,  159 

Chalon,  114,  122,  161,  187,  196; 
bishop,  122,  147,  157,  193  ;  monas- 
teries :  St.  Cosmo  and  Damiani's, 
153  ;  St.  Marcel's,  210 

Chanteuge,  59 

Charlemagne,  4,  5 

Charles  of  Vienne,  94 

Charroux,  council,  170,  175 

Chrodegang,  65 

Clement  XL,  150,  152,  199,  200,  203 

Clermont,  bishop,  91,  114,  115,  150, 
157-159,  189 ;  monastery,  St. 
Allyre's,  60 

Clothing,  3,  7,  119 

Codex  Regularum,  7 

Colmar,  116,  150 

Columbanus  of  Luxeuil,  3,  4,  10 

Concordia  regularum,  7 

Conrad  XL,  emperor,  150-152,  203,  212 

Conrad  of  Upper  Burgundy,  58,  91, 
94,  108,  115. 


Corbel,  173,  175 
Crottas,  115 
Cynricus,  100 

Deols,  12,  14 

Dijon,    175 ;    monasteries  :    St.    Be- 
nigne's,  112,  119;  St.  Sequanus',  5 
Donatus,  rule,  3 

Edward  of  Tours,  109-111 

Elisardus,  39 

Ehzabeth  of  Balma,  194,  195 

Elne,  council,  179 

Erluin,  67,  194 

Ermengard,  120 

Eva,  55 

Farfa,  63 

Feraldus,  78 

Fleury,  38-47,  59,  109-111,  165 

Frederick  of  Lorraine,  66 

Fulbert,  bishop  of  Chartres,  148,  173 

Fulc  of  Anjou,  20,  25 

Fulcher,  100 

Fulda,  4 

Callus,  76 

Garseas  of  Spain,  204 

Gauzlin,   bishop  of  Macon,    158-160, 

193 
Gauzlin,  bishop  of  Toul,  44,  66 
Gembloux,  67 
Geneva,  bishop,  114;   monastery,  St. 

Victor's,  185 
Genouillac,    monastery,    St.    Sorus', 

60 
Geoffrey,  bishop  of  Chalon,  193 
Geoffrey,  count,  50 
Geoffrey,  prior,  154 
Gerald,  archbishop,  93,  96,  97 
Gerald  of  Aurillac,  71,  75 
Gerald,  bishop  of  Cambrai,  174 
Gerberga,  45 

Gerbert,  109-111 ;   (Sylvester  XX.),  203 
Gerhard  of  Brogne,  45 
Gersindis,  60 
Gifts  to  Cluny,  50-54,  93-99,  122-129, 

153-154,  185-198 
Gigny,  10,  11,  14-16,  36 
Glanfeuil,  9,  10,  120 
Gorgonius,  65 
Gorze,  65-67 
Gregory  I.  the  Great,  4,  22,  25,  71, 

74,  118,  147 
Gregory  V.,  149 
Gregory  VI.,  150,  164 


INDEX 


223 


Grenoble,  bishop,  97,  147,  193 
Guy  II.  of  Thiers,  188 

Halinard,  154,  164 

Hector,  123,  153 

Heluin,  195 

Henry  I.,  king  of  France,  164 

IJenry  II.,  emperor,    151,    152,    173, 

174,  203,  211-213 
Henry  III.,  emperor,  152 
Henry  IV.,  emperor,  219 
Hersfeld,  4 

Hildebrand  (Gregory  VII.),  62,  219 
Hildebrand,  prior,  88,  95,  96,  126 
Honoratus,  118 

Hugh,  abbot  of  Cluny,  196,  219 
Hugh,  archbishop  of  Rheims,  45 
Hugh,  bishop  of  Auxerre,   174,   185- 

187 
Hugh,  bishop  of  Nevers,  191 
Hugh  the  Black,  51,  58,  93,  94 
Hugh  Capet,  120,  141,  165 
Hugh,  duke  of  the  Franks,  41,  42,  59, 

93,  146,  154 
Hugh,  king  of  the  Lombards,  49,  52, 

64,  68,  69 
Huttenheim,  116,  150 

Isembertus,  bishop  of  Poitiers,   178, 
189 

Jerusalem,  32,  63,  181,  182,  219 

John  X.,  16 

John  XL,  47-49,  54,  58,  94 

John  XIIL,45,  114,  116 

John  XV.,  112 

John  XIX.,  150,  159-164,  176 

John,  bishop  of  Macon,  122 

John,  bishop  of  Porto,  183 

Jordan,  bishop  of  Limoges,  177 

Juilly,  97,  193 

Jumieges,  59 

Justinian,  17 

Kadolein,  189 

Knut  of  Denmark,  152 

Lambert,  Count,  118,  126 

La  Reole,  45 

Laufinus,  10 

Lausanne,  bishop  of,  114,  187 

La  Volta,  188 

Lawrence,  bishop  of  Amalfi,  199-202 

Le  Moutier  de  Thiers,  188 

Leo  VIL,  41,  49,  52,  62 

Leotbald,  count,  95,  96 


Le  Puy,  131;  bishop,  116, 157;  council, 
171  ;  church,  St.  Mary's,  128 

Lerins,  116,  118 

Lezat,  60 

Liebald,  bishop  of  Macon,  193 

Liege,  monastery,  St.  Peter's,  67 

Liens,  monastery,  St.  Blaise,  153 

Limoges,  33,  34,  72,  172;  council, 
177  ;  monasteries  :  St.  Augustine  s, 
58  ;  St.  Martial's,  58 

Lobbes,  67 

Locedia,  monastery,  St.  Michael's, 
111,  112 

Lorsch,  4 

Lothair,  king  of  the  Franks,  45,  92-94, 
109,  115 

Lothair,  son  of  Hugh,  king  of  the 
Lombards,  49,  52 

Louis  the  Pious,  6,  8 

Louis  IV.,  51,  58,  91,  93,  96 

Lyons,  32,  49,  101,  175,  178;  arch- 
bishop, 42,  97,  114,  118,  122,  146., 
153,  157,  159,  163-165;  monastery, 
St.  Benigne's,  154,  164,  194.  See 
also  Burchard,  William 

Macarius,  rule,  3 

Macon,  49,  54,  88,  95,  99,  101,  115, 
126,  134,  161,  162,  195;  bishop, 
12,  36,  53,  96,  101,  114,  115,  122, 
147,  157,  158,  193,  196;  monas- 
teries :  St.  John's,  93;  St.  Martin's, 
93.  See  also  Berno,  Gauzlin,  John, 
Liebald,  Maimbod,  Milo,  Odo,  Walter 

Magabrense,  162,  186 

Maimbod,  bishop  of  Macon.  53,  95, 
96,  105 

Mainz,  152 

Maiolus,  89-90,  96,  100-142,  186,  187, 
191,  202,  212,  214 

Maior  Monasterium,  120-121 

Malaucene,  monastery,  St.  Maurice's, 
189 

Manasses,  bishop  of  Aries,  97,  153 

Mantes,  189,  190 

Manual  labour,  7 

Marmoutiers,  21 

Marozia,  68 

Martial  (saint),  172 

Martin,  abbot  of  St.  Cyprian's,  58,  59 

Martin  of  Tours  (saint),  17-19.  36,  70, 
71,  76,  77,  121,  142,  204 

Massay,  12,  14 

Massiacus,  monastery,  St.  Peter's,  51 

Maurmiinster,  6 

Maurus,  3,  9 


224 


THE  MONASTERY  OF  CLUNY 


Metz,  monastery,  St.  Amu  If  s,  66 
Milo,  bishop  of  Macon,  122 
Miracles,  134,  137-142,  144,  202,  206- 

217 
Molgon,  190 
Mons  Rompons,  118 
Monte  Cassino,  4,  7,  9,  39,  62,  205 
Monte  Gargano,  78 
Montierender,  45 
Moyenmoutier,  66    . 

Nalgoldus,  90 
Naples,  63,  86 
Narbonne,  council,  171  ;    monastery, 

St.  Pontus's,  69 
Nepi,  St.  Ellas',  63 
Neuberg,  151 
Nevers,  count,  162,  163  ;    monastery, 

St.  Saviour's,  191 
Nicholas  VI.,  155 
Nithard,  bishop  of  Nice,  180 
Northmen,  1,  6,  9,  23,  32,  35,  39,  59, 

67 

Obedience  and  humility,  3,  6,  28,  29, 

102 
Odilo,    107,   113,    115,    130,    143-170, 

179-201  ;  death,  202,  203-217 
Odo,  4,  15-51,  56-64,  68-87,  94,  109, 

115,  117,  130,  131,  156  ;  death,  71 
Odo,  bishop  of  Macon,  122,  146 
Odo,  bishop  of  Champagne,  120,  121 
Odolricus  Maior,  142 

Odulrich,  bishop  of  Langres,  164 

Oilbold,  109-111 

Ona,  192 

Opus  Dei,  27,  66 

Otto  I.,  105,  106,  115,  116 

Otto  XL,  106-108,  115,  116 

Otto  III.,  149,  150-151 

Otto  William,  154,  187,  189,  197 

Pachomius,  3,  30,  73 

Paray,  118,  153,  187,  208,  209 

Paris,  1,  2,  25,  71  ;   St.  Denis's,  112, 

207 
Paternus,  abbot  of  Pena,  148,  192 
Pavia,  23,  .105,  108,  112,  116,  117, 
134,  138,  140,  152,  173,  203,  209, 
211-212;  monasteries:  Ciel  d' Oro, 
64,  112,  150,  151 ;  St.  Maiolus,  151, 
183,  206,  212;    St.  Saviour's,  105, 

116,  151 

Pax  Dei,  170,  171,  179,  180 

Pax  Romana,  171,  180 

Pena,  monastery,  St.  John's,  192 


Peter  Damianus,  89,  117,  133 
Peterlingen,  108,    115,    116,    150-153, 

187,  210,  213 
Peter  the  Venerable,  43,  141 
Pippin,  4 
Poitiers,  abbots,   190 ;    bishop,  189 ; 

council,  172, 175,  178;  monasteries: 

St.  Cyprian's,  58,  187  ;  St.  Savin's, 

9,  10,  58 
Poppo  of  Stablo,  165 
Porto,  86,  183  ;  St.  Stephen's,  193 
Pressy,  45 
Private  property  not  permissible,  15, 

30,  41,  73,  74 

Raimodis,  100 

Rainald,  bishop  of  Paris,  118,  141 

Rainald,  prior,  186,  195 

Ravenna,  105,  150,  151 

Raymond  Pontius,  59,  60 

Reginald,  bishop  of  Aries,  180 

Regniacus,  93 

Remigius,  25,  71 

Rheims,  42,  45,  110 

Richard  of  St.  Vannes,  165 

Richer,  bishop  of  Liege,  66 

Riez,  100,  127,  157,  186 

Robert,  bishop  of  Valence,  94 

Robert  II.,  king  of  France,  153,  154, 
157, 159,  161, 165,  166,  173-176,  203 

Rocca,  monastery,  St.  Julian's,  51 

Rodez,  182 

Romainmoutier,  38,  48,  57,  115,  150, 
153 

Romanus  (saint),  33 

Rome,  11,  13,  23,  26,  37,  49,  58,  68- 
70,  80,  84,  86,  93,  103,  108,  111, 
112,  117,  121,  130,  151-152,  155- 
160,  162,  164,  187,  189,  192,  199- 
203,  211,  214,  218;  monasteries: 
St  Agnes's,  62  ;  St.  Andrew's,  62  ; 
St.  Lawrence's,  62;  St.  Mary's 
Aventine,  62,  87;  St.  Paul's,  61, 
83,  117,  132,  137;  St.  Peter's,  150; 
St.  Sylvester's,  62;  St.  Stephen's, 
62 

Rosans,  monastery,  St.  Andrew's,  117 

Rudolf  of  Burgundv,  king  of  the 
Franks,  16,  37,  39,^48-50,  58 

Rudolf  IIL,  146,  153,  185,  187,  189 

Sacerge,  45 
Saint-Die,  66 
Sainte  Enimie,  60 
Salerno,  32,  63 
Salustriacus,  51,  53 


INDEX 


225 


Sanchius,  king  of  Spain,  191,  203 
Sanchius,  bishop  of  Pamplona,   148, 

Saracens,  35,  60,  02-63,  134-136,  168, 

171,  173,  191 
Sarlat,  60 
Sarrians,  191 

Sauxillanges,  91,  93,  115,  188 
Sauzel,  monastery,  St.  Marcel's,  191 
Savigneux,  52,  69 
Senones,  66 
Sens,  42,  59 

Silence,  6,  15,  28,  168,  183 
Sleep,  3 
Soigniers,    monastery,   St.    Vincent's. 

67 
Souvigny,    112,    113,    135,    141,    142, 

188,  200-202,  214-217 
Speyer,  164 

St.  Apollinare  in  Classe,  105,  118,  151 
St.  Chaffre  du  Monastier,  59 
St.  Cornelius,  6,  8 
St.  Jean-d'Angely,  59,  187 
St.  Lautenus,  14 
St.  Mansuy's,  44,  45 
St.  Maur  des  Fosses,  119,  120 
St.  Paul-Trois-Chateaux,  St.  Amand's, 

91,  92,  115 
Stability,  Benedictine,  2 
Stablo  Malmedy,  67 
Stephen,  bishop  of  Auvergne,  150 
Stephen,  bishop  of  Clermont,  91 
Stephen,  king  of  the  Hungarians,  203 
Subiaco,  62 
Sylvester  II.,  109,  203 


Theodorardus,  63 

Toul,  66 ;  monastery,  St.  Evre's,  44, 

45,  194 
Toulouse,  59,  60 
Tours,  17,  25,  32,  35,  59,  70,  71,  74, 

76,    109,    212,    216;     monasteries: 

St.  Julian's,  59,  109 ;   St.  Martin's, 

20,  25,  76,  214 
Treuga  Dei,  170,  171,  179-181 
Tulle,  38,  58-60,  75 
Turpio,   bishop  of   Limoges,   33,   34, 

58,  71,  72 

Urban  II.,  219 

Valensolle,  127,  186 

Vaux,  189,  190 

Verona,  108,  116,  151 

Vezelay,  162,  163 

Vienne,  94,  114,  124,  146,  157-159 

Virgil,  21,  103 

Vivian,  prior  of  Cluny,  126-128,  146 

Walter,  bishop  of  Autun,   122,    123, 

186 
Walter,  bishop  of  Besan9on,  193 
Walter,  bishop  of  Macon,  193,  197 
Wido,  15,  16,  31,  188 
William  of  Aquitaine,  1,  10-16,  18,  19, 

37,  38,  49,  51,  95,  172,  175 
William  of  Aries,  136 
William  of  Provence,  138,  191 
William  of   St.    Benigne's,    111,    112, 

119,  162-165,  201 


THE   END 


Printed  hy  R.  i*\:  R.  Clark,  Limitfd,  Edinburgh. 


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